Dari Notes Belajar Seorang Awam: 

SEORANG SAHABAT MENYAMBUT MUKTAMAR NAHDLATUL ULAMA DI SURAKARTA [2- selesai]



Mengingat kembali akan segala bacaan tentang sejarah NU dan masalah-masalah NU 
yang disajikan oleh buku-buku, debat, terutama di milis [EMAIL PROTECTED] com, 
[sebuah milis yang tergolong paling bertatakrama dan bisa saling menghargai 
perbedaan pendapat], saya menyadari benar bahwa Muktamar yang akan segera 
berlangsung bakal hangat dan menggairahkan. Kehangatan debat inipun terlukis 
jelas melalui artikel Rizqon Khamami dalam Harian The Jakarta Post [23 November 
2004] , berjudul: " The NU convention and nonconventional Islam", yang sengaja 
kulampirkan di bawah ini.


Kalau pemahamanku terhadap tulisan Rizqon Khamami [selanjutnya kusingkat: 
Rizqon], nampak dalam NU terdapat adanya dua "kubu" ["camps"] yang oleh Rizqon 
disebut sebagai "camp" "progressive line" dan "conservative views".


"Progressive line" yang juga dinamakan oleh Rizqon dengan istilah "progressive 
Islam" yang diwakili oleh "several young intellectuals",  sedangkan 
"conservative views" diwakili oleh "several conservative ulema". Dibayangkan 
oleh Rizqon bahwa dua "camps" besar inilah yang akan sengit berdebat dalam 
Muktamar Surakarta. Dan "The struggle between these two camps is more important 
than the personal conflict between Hasyim and Gus Dur. The failure of the 
progressive group to take a role in the NU would seriously damage the future of 
Islam in Indonesia", tulis Rizqon selanjutnya.  


Sesuai dengan apa yang saya tulis di atas, maka siapa  pun yang akan 
mendominasi NU seusai Muktamar, saya kira, akan berdampak besar pada 
perkembangan bangsa, negeri dan negara kita. Artinya bukan hanya memperngaruhi 
"the future of Islam in  Indonesia" dan apa-bagaimana NU sendiri. Apalagi di 
samping NU, ada kekuatan politik lain yang selama ini di Barat dikenal dengan 
istilah "kaum Islamis" dan dikaitkan dengan "ketidaktoleransi" serta 
"kekerasan". Padahal selama ini, paling tidak inilah harapan dan yang saya 
lihat [mungkin keliru], NU sebagai organisasi berpengaruh besar, mempunyai 
peranan yang bisa mengurangi deras arus "ketidaktoleransi" dan "kekerasan" di 
dalam masyarakat kita. Saya masih berharap bahwa setelah Muktamar Surakarta , 
peranan "bendungan" ini bisa tidak jebol bahkan sebaliknya  bisa berkembang 
menjadi suatu orientasi yang mengarahkan alias membimbing.Paling tidak 
memperkokoh nilai-nilai republiken dan keindonesiaan.  Barangkali di sinilah 
letak tanggungjawab nasional dan manusiawi NU yang pasti akan menjadi perhatian 
kedua "camps". Islam, republik dan keindonesiaan yang majemuk kiranya tidak 
mempunyai pertentangan. NU bukan hanya milik dan untuk Islam tetapi untuk 
seluruh nasion dan kemanusiaan.  Apalagi saya teringat akan adanya sebuah 
artikel di milis [EMAIL PROTECTED] yang melihat bahwa NU dengan 
ide-idenya bisa menjadi "perekat bangsa" yang sedang dalam kemelut multi 
dimensional. Dari sisi ini maka saya memahami segala manuvre politik sementara 
tokoh ters NU, lebih-lebih selama pemilu.


Adanya kekuatan "progessive Islam" dalam barisan NU yang diwakili oleh "several 
young intellectuals", saya kira, merupakan kekuatan, kebanggaan dan harapan 
bagi NU. Karena pada analisa terakhir anak-anak muda cendekiawan merupakan 
pemilik dunia dan haridepan, sedangkan generasi tua, merupakan matahari senja 
ditunggu malam. Tapi dunia memang milik yang tua dan yang muda bersama-sama. 
Yang tua kaya pengalaman sehingga sering berhati-hati dan kehati-hatian yang 
dibentuk oleh pengalaman membuat mereka nampak "konservatif" [Walaupun tua 
tidak identik dengan konservativisme]. Sedangkan yang muda-muda sangat peka 
pada perkembangan dan punya semangat mendobrak [Walaupun bukan tidak ada anak 
muda yang konservatif]. Kedua angkatan ini sangat diperlukan oleh NU. 


Sebelum menjadi Presiden RI, ketika bertemu di Paris, Gus Dur pernah saya 
tanyakan tentang kader-kader muda NU yang akan tampil menggantikan generasinya. 
Gus Dur nampak  terperangah oleh pertanyaanku. Dan Gus Dur baru jelas 
menjawabku ketika kami bertemu lagi. Gus Dur mengatakan:"Kau jangan khawatir, 
Mil!".


Adanya dua angkatan dan dua aliran ini,  kukira sangat diperlukan dalam 
mengembangkan debat ide, memelihara kemajemukan untuk sampai pada satu sintesa 
yang tanggap zaman dan aspiratif. Adanya perbedaan memungkinkan kedua "camps" 
saling mengawasi dan memacu sesuai dengan konsep saling asih, saling asah dan 
saling asuh. Adanya perbedaan pendapat dalam NU, membiarkan perdebatan 
berlangsung seperti yang saksikan selama ini, merupakan ciri khas NU. Adanya 
debat menunjukkan NU mencoba membuang paternalisme pada dirinya, tanda NU itu 
tidak takut pada borok diri, dinamik dan sanggup melakukan kritik-otokritik. 
Mencoba menyingkirkan fanatisme.    


Tapi  membaca kekuatan NU hanya terdiri dari "camps", barangkali kurang sesuai 
dengan keadaan obyektif. Akan lebih mengena dan obyektif, barangkali, jika kita 
tidak mengabaikan adanya barisan menengah atau perantara. Barisan menengah ini, 
terdiri dari mereka yang berpengalaman  tidak sedikit, tetapi pengalaman tidak 
membuat mereka menjadi paternalistik dan konservatif. Mereka tidak kalah peka 
dari barisan baru yang menggelora dan menggebu-gebu. Barangkali angkatan 
menengah ini merupakan kekuatan harapan yang bisa mendorong sukses dan 
kelancaran Muktamar yang bisa melegakkan semua angkatan, membuat seluruh bangsa 
merasa lega. Terdapatnya tiga angkatan begini dalam NU, menyediakan syarat 
untuk melakukan tiga pemaduan guna lahirnya NU yang lebih solid dan 
berperspektif gemilang setelah Muktamar Surakarta.


Saya minta maaf jika dalam tulisan ini terdapat pandangan dan kata-kata yang 
dirasakan tidak berkenan. Saya siap menerima koreksi dari kawan-kawan NU. 
Baris-baris ini saya tulis sebagai seorang sahabat karena merasa NU juga adalah 
milik saya sebagai anak bangsa dan negeri.


Selamat bermuktamar.


Paris, November 2004.
--------------------
JJ.KUSNI

[SELESAI] 

Lampiran:

The Jakarta Post

The NU convention and nonconventional Islam 
By: Rizqon Khamami, New Delhi

The convention (Muktamar) of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) which will be held from Nov. 
28 to Dec. 2 in Donohudan, Surakarta is a focal point for the future of 
progressive Islam in Indonesia. The very fact that Indonesia is the world's 
most populous Muslim nation, and the NU is the biggest Islamic organization in 
the country, leads to the assumption that progressive Islam, which is the main 
characteristic of Indonesian Islam, would be at stake, if the views of 
progressive Islam are rejected during the convention.

Within the NU, the idea of progressive Islam is held by several young 
intellectuals. 

For instance, Liberal Islam is upheld by Ulil Abshar Abdalla and  Moqsith 
Ghozali through the Liberal Islam Network (JIL). Other elements of progressive 
Islam are included, but not limited to, Islam Emansipatopry (P3M), Islam 
Leftist (LKiS), Islam Indigenous (Khamami Zada), Islam International (Nadirsyah 
Hosen), Post-Traditional Islam (ICIS) and Islam Post Religion (Rumadi). 

It can be safely stated that their views represent a new wave of emerging young 
intellectual Muslims during the last 10 years within NU. Despite their 
different approaches, they share a similar view that Islam should be 
reinterpreted in a moderate, contextual and progressive way. 

However, all the discourses are not without hindrance. The idea of progressive 
Islam has been criticized by several conservative ulema. These ulema are of the 
opinion that discourse on progressive Islam is not only based on Western 
secular views but is also against the fundamental concept of NU's teachings in 
terms of its theology and legal interpretation. 

By contrast, the conservative group interprets Islamic teachings in a textual 
and traditional way. They use the sources, opinions and methodology that have 
been issued by the ulema for centuries. They  do not consider the fact that 
such views are unsuited to the current situation. 

How will the upcoming convention be deemed a definitive moment? Thus far, the 
public have paid more attention to the struggle between the incumbent NU 
chairman Hasyim Muzadi and Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, former Indonesian 
president and former NU chairman, as a continuation of recent conflict between 
them during the presidential race. 

Little attention has been drawn to the real challenge faced by the largest 
Muslim organization of whether to adopt a progressive line or to accommodate 
conservative views. The struggle between these two camps is more important than 
the personal conflict between Hasyim and Gus Dur. The failure of the 
progressive group to take a role in the NU would seriously damage the future of 
Islam in Indonesia. 

In this sense, the most important issue which must be addressed during the 
Muktamar is the renewal of Islamic legal methodology, which it is argued should 
constitute a fresh and highly promising theoretical construct and represent a 
new holistic and contextual approach to legal language and legal 
interpretation. 

The NU will need to reduce their dependence on the old methodology, which is a 
product of the sociological structure of classical and medieval Muslim 
societies. In other words, they need to develop new interpretations of original 
sources while studying the interpretations of the past, both to learn from 
their insights and to understand them as products of their historical 
environment. 

Above all, the course of progressive Islam basically is dependent on Syuriah 
(the advisory council within NU). This is the real powerful structure of NU. It 
consists of the most prominent ulema. During several decades, particularly 
during the tenure of Gus Dur and of 
Hasyim Muzadi, this board had been trespassed by Tanfidziyah (the executive 
body). The proponents of progressive Islam suggest that restructuring the 
relationship between Syuriah and Tanfiziyah should strengthen the role of 
Syuriah. This is particularly important since Hasyim Muzadi allegedly used the 
NU for his own political interests during the 2004 presidential election. He 
was the running mate of former president Megawati Soekarnoputri in the 
election. 

The appointment of Masdar F. Mas'udi as an acting executive chairperson of NU 
during the non-active tenure of Hasyim was to empower Syuriah. It is akin to 
the structure of the hierarchy of the pesantren (Islamic boarding school), in 
which the real leader is the kyai pengasuh pesantren (the owner of a 
pesantren), and Tanfidziyah is on par with lurah pondok (head of a pesantren) 
which are mostly taken from the most senior santri, rather than making an 
effort to 'modernize' the organization. Interestingly, the appointment 
indicates that the current Syuriah accepted the idea of progressive Islam since 
Masdar is widely known as one of the progressive Muslim thinkers. 

During Musyawarah Besar (conference) of NU members in Ciwaringin, Cirebon, 
several young intellectuals of NU also decided to bring back the power to 
Syuriah. The intention, surely, is a means to bar Hasyim Muzadi or any 
politically leaning person from holding a key position in the executive board. 
It is also suggested that the upcoming election for the Tanfidziyah will be in 
the hands of the elected Syuriah. If the suggestion is accepted, NU will be 
able to stay away from political temptation as long as the Syuriah is able to 
ensure this. Does it suffice? 

However, the young intellectuals are unaware of an immediate obstacle if the 
Syuriah holds back its power. In part, there is no guarantee that a progressive 
ulema such as K.H. Sahal Mahfudz will be reelected. 

In the community of NU, every nodding of an ulema's head is very important, 
especially toward any new Islamic discourses, no matter how strange. So, 
whoever is elected as chairperson of the Syuriah board is the main person who 
will lead the organization and determine the future stream of Islam in regard 
to modernity and the wave of globalization. 

So, the emerging voice of restlessness of young NU and their efforts to 
modernize Islam would not be smooth. It depends on whom the elected Syuriah 
will be. The young NU requires support of kyai who have a liberal vision of 
Islam. 

The writer is a student of Islamic studies at Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI) New 
Delhi, India. 


[Sumber: He-Man 
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] ; Sent: Wednesday, November 24, 2004 1:48 AM
Subject: [kmnu2000] The NU convention and nonconventional Islam]


 

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