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http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2005/734/re8.htm


Marx in Iraq
Mohamed El-Anwar in Baghdad talks to Hamid Majid Moussa, leader of the Iraqi 
Communist Party 

 
Hamid Majid Moussa 



The Iraqi Communist Party (ICP), also known as the People's Union, won two 
seats in the interim National Assembly. Do you see a future for the ICP in 
Iraq? 

Of course the ICP has a future. No party would keep going on if it doesn't 
believe it has a future. What collapsed was not communism, but regimes that had 
distorted communism by deviating from the basic principles of communist 
thinking: chiefly, humanism, democracy and social justice. Those regimes turned 
socialism into bureaucratic and authoritative practice. They acted as if they 
were superior to the people, refused to listen to the people, concentrated 
power in the hands of one or a few individuals, and disregarded intellectual 
creativity and collective opinion, thereby creating the reasons for their own 
demise. 

In Iraq, I believe that our party has a very wide base. This is why the ICP has 
been able to endure all the blows of repressive apparatuses and all the crimes 
committed against it during the 71 years of the party's past. 

At certain periods, when the political climate was right, the ICP was the 
largest political force in the country. When it was subject to genocide, 
through the execution and murder of its leaders and members, and when its 
members were exiled or forced to flee the country, the party was weakened. Some 
traces of weakness are still with us. But at the moment we are rebuilding the 
ICP, with the benefit of our own experience and of international experiences. 

I believe we have made progress, despite factional and sectarian pressures. The 
ICP is a known political quantity. The ICP role and importance to the country 
outmatch the number of its membership or voters. Time will sort everything out. 
Had we won only one seat, the ICP would still have been a known quantity and a 
power to contend with. The ICP has never refused an alliance with political 
forces opposed to dictatorship and despotism and endeavouring to establish a 
democratic and pluralistic Iraq.

How do you view the US-led occupation of Iraq? 

We are against occupation now and were against the war in the past. 

First of all, as a party, we started our struggle by working against 
dictatorship. When things escalated, we added to our programme the words "No to 
blockade, No to dictatorship". When the drums of war were beaten, we raised the 
slogan "No to war". When the war took place, we could not stop it, nor could 
others, despite our warnings. Saddam was overthrown. 

We support democracy and oppose occupation. This is where we stand.

And yet it was occupation that gave you legitimacy and your current status. 

Occupation did not give us legitimacy. Occupation gives legitimacy to no one. 

We earned our legitimacy through our presence on the street. They ignored our 
presence for some time, then found out that we are a force that exists in the 
Iraqi street and cannot be ignored.

Would you go into alliance with Islamic forces? 

Where there are priorities in matters of alliance we begin with those that are 
nearest to us, the Kurdish centre, which is a democratic centre. We are part of 
the Kurdistan list, along with the Kurdistan Communist Party; a party that has 
gone into alliance with other Kurdish parties within a unified list, the 
Kurdistan list. 

It is possible for us to go into alliance with Islamic forces so long as these 
forces believe in democracy, in ending the occupation, and in establishing a 
pluralist, federal and unionist Iraq. 

We have our ideological differences with the Islamic forces, and these 
differences can be worked out. We have a working relation with the Iraqi 
Islamic Party and the Daawa Party. Our ideological differences will not impede 
our political cooperation. We are allies with Jalal Talabani and Masoud 
Barzani. What is needed now is not to fuel differences and stir disputes but -- 
as everyone agreed -- to continue working together, cooperating, coordinating 
and maintaining the alliance among all forces that took part in the political 
process and cooperated in the opposition. 

Besides, there is agreement that those parties not represented in the new 
parliament must not be excluded from government posts or from the committees 
rewriting the Constitution. The situation in Iraq does not call for the 
needless fuelling of conflicts. We are not discussing social options, but 
trying to build a country that has been destroyed and a state that has been 
shattered. 

Let me tell you this. We are not getting into a struggle to get one post or 
another. Everyone wants to have a key role. This is to be expected so long as 
we follow the route of elections and freedom. But it does not follow that those 
who have significant parliamentary power have the right to dominate or 
monopolise power. Iraq's problems are of a magnitude and complexity that no 
single party or list alone can resolve all of them. 

Cooperation is a fact of life that imposes itself on every political force, 
regardless of its share of seats.

How do you view the operations mounted against US forces in Iraq at present? 

Resistance is a legitimate right for any nation. There is no denying that. 
Resistance is not necessarily a military affair, however. When we say 
resistance, we have to answer two questions: What do certain forces aim to 
achieve from counter- operations, and what methods are they using? 

If these forces really want to end the occupation and adopt a democratic system 
instead, and if they are using honourable means to achieve that end, then they 
are forces of legitimate national resistance. But if they are hypocritical and 
deceitful in their enmity to imperialism, if they want to restore a defunct 
dictatorship, establish substitute despotism, or create a mediaeval system 
through bombings, assassinations and abductions, then they are not forces of 
resistance. 

This may explain our position on operations that are acts of terror and 
sabotage. Tell me; is there no other means for resistance than bombings and 
weapons? They want power. It is as simple as that. We will try to restore calm 
and stability to the Iraqi street, so that the people may live normally, stand 
firmly, and -- with the backing of the international, Arab and Islamic 
communities -- force foreign forces to leave. 

The Americans, let me tell you, are no givers of democracy. Any nation that 
imagines that democracy will come as a gift from foreign forces, or even from a 
ruler of one's own nation, is wrong, for democracy has to be taken. The current 
acts help justify the occupation, for they reinforce the argument that security 
is unstable. The Americans, we all know, are motivated by their own interests, 
strategic considerations, and by the interests of America as a regime. 

We have no illusions here. But when there are developments that accord with our 
objectives we make a distinction between good and bad and use the things in our 
favour.

What is your overall assessment of America's conduct? 

The Americans started out and still are in a state of political confusion and 
chaos in Iraq. Admittedly, they have a general strategy, which is to reshape 
Iraq's political life to promote their own interests. But tactically speaking, 
the Americans have driven themselves into tight spots and harmed their goals 
and many of their allies. 

The current situation in Iraq is proof enough. The administration and errors of 
the Americans did not help the Iraqi people to choose well, use reason, and 
return to normalcy

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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