http://www.thejakartapost.com/detaileditorial.asp?fileid=20050420.E02&irec=1
>From Aceh to Helsinki: A message for Jakarta
Aboeprijadi Santoso, Helsinki
The third round of the Helsinki negotiations between the Indonesian government
and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) to find "a comprehensive and permanent
solution with dignity for all" was just concluded with new hope for a peaceful
breakthrough. So, what do we make of this newfound hope?
"It's a breakthrough in a certain sense," Martti Ahtisaari, Finland's former
president who facilitated the talks, declared as the meetings wrapped up. They
achieved what he called "seven points of understanding".
Ahtisaari, who leads the peace mediator Crisis Management Initiative (CMI),
however, warned that, "Security on the ground is very important. In whatever
country, people want to be treated fairly by the (security forces) and the
courts. If those two can be relied on, people can go on with their daily lives
and business," said the man who has been involved in peace negotiations all
over the world, from Namibia to South Africa to Kosovo and now Aceh.
Every aspect of the peace prospects in Aceh ultimately depend on the parties
themselves. Now, despite rhetoric of progress and optimism coming from both
Jakarta and GAM delegates, most of the "points of understanding" are things
that need to be worked on to be accomplished before the next round on May 26.
However, Ahtisaari's integrated package approach ("nothing is agreed until
everything is agreed") means that the parties can hide whatever basic
assumptions, agreements and disagreements they have, until they find the right
concepts and wording for the final agreement. This lack of transparency is an
obvious sign of the sensitivities involved. Thus, as Ahtisaari himself has
reminded us, it is important to look at what is being said and also what is not
being said. Only when the sensitivities become apparent, real progress can be
measured.
Progress, coupled with difficulties, seems apparent on, at least, the issues of
self-government, monitoring and political participation.
First, as the issues of independence and special autonomy are removed,
negotiations can now proceed to define what the CMI, in its release, called
"the self-government of the province of Aceh within the Republic of Indonesia"
is all about. While GAM seemed cautious, but not in disagreement, Ahtisaari and
Indonesia's chief-delegate Hamid Awaluddin have made it clear that there will
be local elections for Aceh according to Indonesian laws and will be monitored
by a third party. For Indonesia, this is part of her constitutional process and
for GAM it is seen as a means to measure and promote democratization in Aceh.
Since the issue of "independence" remains a taboo subject and a "referendum"
remains a nightmare scenario for Indonesia, "special autonomy" is identical to
the status quo of "rapes and killings" to GAM leaders. Once all these are
removed from the table, the results can be considerable.
Second, both sides have agreed to a monitoring process, even if it may appear
as if GAM here has gained more on that point. Since the implementation of the
agreement will be a process that would cover elections and aspects of public
life, it inevitably includes, if implicit, a cease-fire, which Jakarta has
rejected. The monitoring will be "a civilian mission (of regional associations)
and there is no mention of foreign troops".
The involvement of a "foreign group" means a greater guarantee for the
implementation of the agreement, although it would also mean that the Aceh
issue would remain on the international scene, which GAM would welcome. Hamid
has confirmed that Indonesia agreed and would approach ASEAN groups about
taking part in the monitoring.
Third, little seems to have been agreed upon as yet on political participation,
but as a few legal aspects need to be resolved, an agreement at this point may
not be far away. Hamid has confirmed that the Pilkada (local-chief elections)
for conflict areas, including Aceh will be postponed and a source close to GAM
believes that Hamid's team will do its best to accommodate the need for a local
party.
The most thorny issue, however, remains the security arrangement. Various
delegates recognize that it is all too often difficult to control the violent
behavior by the Indonesian security apparatuses, just as GAM's units have often
been involved in violence and kidnapping. Any mediator, as Ahtisaari is, can
only appeal to both sides' commitments to restrain their armed forces because
local security remains in the hands of those in charge.
In short, progress has been made, even if it is not immediately apparent. And
the stakes are very high. For GAM, a failure in Helsinki would means that they
have to continue a very costly guerrilla warfare, which would jeopardize
whatever credibility they have among the Acehnese. On the other hand, a
Helsinki success will enhance both the space and capacity of the Acehnese to
develop their own political and economic system, albeit within Indonesia.
Clearly, both sides want to win the Acehnese hearts and minds. Jakarta will try
by reconstructing post-tsunami Aceh. GAM has, in effect, forced Jakarta via
Helsinki to fulfill its promise. As one GAM delegate put it, "All
(post-Soeharto) presidents, from Habibie to Gus Dur to Megawati said 'you can
have everything except independence'. Now we want everything except
independence".
The challenge for Jakarta is perhaps even bigger. If GAM leader Hasan Di Tiro
is said to have given blessing to his delegates, it is the turn of President
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to strongly support his team despite public opposition
at home against the Helsinki process. After all, the pressure is not only from
the impact of the tsunami, but all of Acehnese civil society, who collectively
demand change. The military solution is neither a solution nor is it now
acceptable. The international community now expects changes led by a president
who symbolizes Indonesia's new democracy.
Indonesia (under Megawati) unilaterally canceled its peace agreement with GAM
in 2003 and launched massive military operation. President Susilo realizes that
the military solution alone could not end the prolonged conflict. Will
Indonesia, this time, be able to give peace to the people of Aceh?
The writer is a journalist with Radio Netherlands.
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