http://globalpolitician.com/articleshow.asp?ID=552&cid=12

Democratic Ideal and New Colonialism
Sam Vaknin, Ph.D. - 4/7/2005
"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful concerned individuals
can precipitate change in the world ... indeed, it is the only thing
that ever has"
(Margaret Mead)

"Democracy" is not the rule of the people. It is government by
periodically vetted representatives of the people. Democracy is not
tantamount to a continuous expression of the popular will as it
pertains to a range of issues. Functioning and fair democracy is
representative and not participatory. Participatory "people power" is
mob rule, not democracy.

Granted, "people power" is often required in order to establish
democracy where it is unprecedented. Revolutions - velvet, rose, and
orange - recently introduced democracy in Eastern Europe, for
instance. People power - mass street demonstrations - toppled
obnoxious dictatorships from Iran to the Philippines and from Peru to
Indonesia.

But once the institutions of democracy are in place and more or less
functional, the people can and must rest. They should let their chosen
delegates do the job they were elected to do. And they must hold their
emissaries responsible and accountable in fair and free ballots once
every two or four or five years.

As heads of the state in Latin America, Africa, Asia, and East Europe
can attest, these vital lessons are lost on the dozens of "new
democracies" the world over. Many of these presidents and prime
ministers, though democratically elected (multiply, in some cases),
have fallen prey to enraged and vigorous "people power" movements in
their countries.

And these breaches of the democratic tradition are not the only or
most egregious ones.

The West boasts of the three waves of democratization that swept
across the world 1975. Yet, in most developing countries and nations
in transition, "democracy" is an empty word. Granted, the hallmarks of
democracy are there: candidate lists, parties, election propaganda,
and voting. But its quiddity is absent. It is being consistently
hollowed out and rendered mock by election fraud, exclusionary
policies, cronyism, corruption, intimidation, and collusion with
Western interests, both commercial and political.

The new "democracies" are thinly-disguised and criminalized
plutocracies (recall the Russian oligarchs), authoritarian regimes
(Central Asia and the Caucasus), or Vichy-like heterarchies
(Macedonia, Bosnia, and Iraq, to mention three recent examples).

The new "democracies" suffer from many of the same ills that afflict
their veteran role models: murky campaign finances, venal revolving
doors between state administration and private enterprise, endemic
corruption, self-censoring media, socially, economically, and
politically excluded minorities, and so on. But while this malaise
does not threaten the foundations of the United States and France - it
does imperil the stability and future of the likes of Ukraine, Serbia,
and Moldova, Indonesia, Mexico, and Bolivia.

Worse still, the West has transformed the ideal of democracy into an
ideology at the service of imposing a new colonial regime on its
former colonies. Spearheaded by the United States, the white and
Christian nations of the West embarked with missionary zeal on a
transformation, willy-nilly, of their erstwhile charges into paragons
of democracy and good governance.

And not for the first time. Napoleon justified his gory campaigns by
claiming that they served to spread French ideals throughout a
barbarous world. Kipling bemoaned the "White Man's (civilizing)
burden", referring specifically to Britain's role in India. Hitler
believed himself to be the last remaining barrier between the hordes
of Bolshevism and the West. The Vatican concurred with him.

This self-righteousness would have been more tolerable had the West
actually meant and practiced what it preached, however
self-delusionally. Yet, in dozens of cases in the last 60 years alone,
Western countries intervened, often by force of arms, to reverse and
nullify the outcomes of perfectly legal and legitimate popular and
democratic elections. They did so because of economic and geopolitical
interests and they usually installed rabid dictators in place of the
deposed elected functionaries.

This hypocrisy cost them dearly. Few in the poor and developing world
believe that the United States or any of its allies are out to further
the causes of democracy, human rights, and global peace. The nations
of the West have sown cynicism and they are reaping strife and
terrorism in return.

Moreover, democracy is far from what it is made out to be. Confronted
with history, the myth breaks down.

For instance, it is maintained by their chief proponents that
democracies are more peaceful than dictatorships. But the two most
belligerent countries in the world are, by a wide margin, Israel and
the United States (closely followed by the United Kingdom). As of
late, China is one of the most tranquil polities.

Democracies are said to be inherently stable (or to successfully
incorporate the instability inherent in politics). This, too, is a
confabulation. The Weimar Republic gave birth to Adolf Hitler and
Italy had almost 50 governments in as many years. The bloodiest civil
wars in history erupted in Republican Spain and, seven decades
earlier, in the United States. Czechoslovakia, the USSR, and
Yugoslavia imploded upon becoming democratic, having survived intact
for more than half a century as tyrannies.

Democracies are said to be conducive to economic growth (indeed, to be
a prerequisite to such). But the fastest economic growth rates in
history go to imperial Rome, Nazi Germany, Stalinist Russia, and
post-Mao China.

Finally, how represented is the vox populi even in established
democracies?

In a democracy, people can freely protest and make their opinions
known, no doubt. Sometimes, they can even change their representatives
(though the rate of turnover in the US Congress in the last two
decades is lower than it was in the last 20 years of the Politburo).

But is this a sufficient incentive (or deterrent)? The members of the
various elites in Western democracies are mobile - they ceaselessly
and facilely hop from one lucrative sinecure to another. Lost the
elections as a Senator? How about a multi-million dollar book
contract, a consultant position with a firm you formerly oversaw or
regulated, your own talk show on television, a cushy job in the
administration?

The truth is that voters are powerless. The rich and mighty take care
of their own. Malfeasance carries little risk and rarely any sanction.
Western democracies are ossified bastions of self-perpetuating
interest groups aided and abetted and legitimized by the ritualized
spectacle that we call "elections". And don't you think the denizens
of Africa and Asia and eastern Europe and the Middle East are
blissfully unaware of this charade.




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