Tepat saatnya Mas Tossi menurunkan tulisan yang
menyinggung isi buku Bussemaker -- baru saja Roeslan
Abdul Gani meninggal dan 4 bulan lagi kita peringati
peristiwa 10 November.  Dan baru saja pemerintah
Belanda mengakui bahwa Indonesia merdeka pada tanggal
17 Agustus 1945, bukan 27 Desember 1949.  Persepsi
bahwa Bung Karno sosok boneka Jepang (antara lain
karena dia bersama Bung Hatta dan M. Jamin mau-maunya
pergi ke Saigon menemui panglima tentara Jepang
padahal bom atom sudah jatuh di Hiroshima dan
Nagasaki) biarlah tinggal persepsi saja dan itu salah
besar -- begitu menurut Bussemaker.  Menteri Jan Pronk
juga berpendapat begitu, sosok yang pernah kita musuhi
waktu jaman Pak Harto hanya karena gigihnya dia ingin
membela si miskin yang tertinggal oleh pembangunan --
dan kita keluar dari IGGI -- berbuntut mahasiswa yang
belajar di Belanda atas beasiswa dari sana harus
pulang kampung begitu pula R.S St. Carolus harus
mengelus dada karena bantuan Belanda tiba-tiba distop 
-- begitu dahsyatnya "nasionalisme" kita.

Lain dengan Bussemaker, Roeslan Abdul Gani bukan Indo
tapi keluarga naib (pemuka agama Islam) yang secara
hukum dipersamakan dengan Eropa atau gelijkgestelt
(nulisnya benar atau tidak), dan karena itu boleh
masuk sekolah HIS, Mulo, HBS dan AMS sama dengan Pakde
Nawawi.  Nasib Indo (Joop Ave kecuali) sama dengan
gelijkgestelt -- dianggap antek Belanda apalagi kalau
"co" (artinya tetap jadi pegawai dijaman peralihan --
dalam jajaran pegawai negeri dijamin tidak bakal jadi
direktur.

Tepat sekali penggambaran pemuda Surabaya dijaman
pergolakan itu sebagai badan dan ekor ular sedangkan
elit di Jakarta sebagai kepala ular.  Arek Suroboyo
menghadapi dilema:  membiarkan tentara Sekutu yang
berisi opsir Belanda atau menolaknya padahal misi
mereka adalah membebaskan interniran dari tahanan
Jepang.  Dua kali pemuda Surabaya mengirim utusan ke
Jakarta untuk mohon petunjuk dari Presiden Bung Karno 

dan pulang dengan tangan hampa.  Ditengah kekalutan
itu, Brigadir Mansergh yang berkeliling kota duduk
diatas kap mesin mobil dibunuh oleh seseorang -- dari
persepektif ini cobalah kita memahami sikap Sekutu
untuk memberi bukti pada ultimatumnya.

Salam,
RM

P.S. Bravo Tossi 2003
  Print July 08, 2005 
(Jakarta Post)

 
 
The Dutch stance on Indonesia's independence 
Aboeprijadi Santoso, Amsterdam

Roeslan Abdulgani, an Indonesian freedom fighter who
passed away last week, was both a player and astute
observer of a key episode that was seen as most heroic
by Indonesia, and most painful for the Dutch. His
death coincided with a changing mood in the
Netherlands about their perception of Indonesia's
independence struggle -- of which the most recent
example is H. Th. Bussemaker's new book, Bersiap!
Opstand in het paradijs (Be prepared! Rebellion in
paradise), 2005.

Of all wars, civil wars may be the worst. For the
Indo's -- those of mixed Dutch-Indonesian blood -- the
civil war of August 1945-1946 came as a great shock
because it painfully destroyed their dream of a
homeland. Treated as (pro) Dutch, they were
victimized, turning this violent episode, called the
"Bersiap period", into a most traumatic one. Half a
century on, it has shaped a distinct community here. 

Bersiap is Indonesian for "be ready"; but to the
Indo's, it evokes a memory of a hell in a country that
they considered home, yet a country that ultimately
forced them to leave for another they regarded as
foreign. Once in the Netherlands, they were neither
welcomed nor honored as Netherlands' World War II
victims. 

Only last week, after six decades, the Dutch
government offered a "mea culpa" (formal
acknowledgement of error or fault). Too little, too
late for loyal groups that have already integrated
into Dutch society. So, they keep their collective
memory and cultivate their own identity -- one which
they celebrate annually with a Pasar Malam Besar
(great night market or festival). Stripped of their
original habitat, they have become "people without
history". 

It was to a crucial part of this history that both the
late Roeslan Abdulgani and H. Th. Bussemaker were keen
witnesses. Unlike then Dutch policymakers and many
war-veterans, Bussenmaker, an ex-Dutch marine in
Central Java, who never met Roeslan, considers him not
a "terrorist" or "collaborator with Japan", but as a
"freedom fighter" and an intellectual among the
pemuda's (young revolutionaries). 

In a Radio Netherlands documentary of 1997, Roeslan
likened the pemuda revolution to "a huge serpent".
Surabaya, where he was born into a pious Muslim family
(1914) and educated at a Dutch high school, was a
trading and industrial city-port with a small "feudal"
layer and a large working class. A excellent narrator,
Roeslan vividly described the spirit of the time. 

Jakarta, where the revolutionary leaders and
intellectuals resided, was "the head of the serpent",
which could not fully control "its tail", i.e. the
passionate responses of the awakened masses throughout
Java that were ready to support and defend the
country's independence. 

"Imagine, Surabaya had been completely darkened (i.e.
without electricity) for three and half years (until
Aug. 23, 1945) and it was continuously bombarded by
Japan and the Allied forces. And it was Ramadhan
(Muslim holy month)." 

So it was only natural that the people passionately
welcomed the independence proclamation, "but," said
Roeslan, "these pemudas, this tail of the serpent,
often acted on their own." This eventually led to
tensions with leaders in Jakarta as the Dutch returned
along with the British forces, while some Japanese
resisted the pemudas' control. 

Despite pressures by their leaders, local pemuda's
refused to cooperate with Allied forces. Incidents
like one with the Allied mission led by Dutch officer
Col. Huijer, which Roeslan narrated in detail and
Bussemaker described in his book, ultimately led to
the battle of Nov. 10, now celebrated as Indonesia's
Heroes Day. 

Bussemaker has done a great service by integrating the
developments in various regions during this critical
period. His book is the first study examining the
complex interplay in Java and Sumatra of the four
forces -- the British (who came to establish Allied
control), the Dutch (who were eager to regain
control), the Japanese (who sought to collaborate with
the Indonesian leaders) and "about two million" young
revolutionaries. 

Like revolutionaries elsewhere, but thanks in
particular to the Japanese military training (this was
probably the origin of the term bersiap among the
pemuda's -- not from the pathfinders, as Bussemaker
suggests), the pemuda's were impatient. Bussemaker's
metaphor was similar to Roeslan's "serpent": It was
lever en masse (massive stand up); in the French
revolution (1789-1791) also, "foreign threats incited
mass mobilization of the youth." 

Bussemaker praises the republican leaders in Jakarta,
who succeeded in an orderly takeover of the Japanese
administration, but criticizes The Hague's
policymakers who forbid Dutch officials from being "in
the same room with Sukarno, let alone talking to him."
It's was this perception of Sukarno and Hatta as
"Japanese collaborators", rather than as freedom
fighters -- as Roeslan and, now, Bussemaker made clear
-- that was completely mistaken. 

Bussemaker's book signifies another shift in Dutch
views on Indonesia's independence. 

In 1995, then Dutch minister Jan Pronk proposed that
the government officially recognize Aug. 17, 1945 as
Indonesia's independence day, rather than of Dec. 27,
1949. Fearing war-veterans' anger, though, then PM Wim
Kok resisted Pronk's idea. As a consequence, Queen
Beatrice's wish to attend the 50th anniversary of Aug.
17 in Jakarta in 1995, could not materialize. 

With most war-veterans apparently no longer resisting
that idea, The Hague could now do just what Pronk
proposed -- a mission that the Jakarta-born Dutch
Foreign Minister Bernhard Bot might accomplish if he
attends the 60th celebration of Indonesia's
independence day. This could be a rare opportunity to
remove what Roeslan Abdulgani once called the "Dutch
wound." 

The writer is a journalist with Radio Netherlands. 
 



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Berdikusi dg Santun & Elegan, dg Semangat Persahabatan. Menuju Indonesia yg 
Lebih Baik, in Commonality & Shared Destiny. http://www.ppi-india.org
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