http://www.thejakartapost.com/detaileditorial.asp?fileid=20050822.E02&irec=1



Can Susilo be taken at his world on Papua? 
Carmel Budiardjo, London

The historic agreement concluded this week between the Indonesian government 
and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) has been widely welcomed, both in Indonesia 
and abroad. It was also highlighted by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono 
(SBY), in his Aug. 16 address to the nation to mark the 60th anniversary of 
Indonesian Independence Day on Aug. 17.

Now that the Aceh conflict has been resolved, for the time being at least, 
attention has predictably turned to West Papua. In his address to the nation, 
SBY drew attention to the differences between Aceh and Papua. Unlike Aceh, he 
said, Papua has only a small armed movement. He also acknowledged that Papua 
touches on historical matters that have elicited interest from abroad. It would 
therefore require "a political settlement". 

Quite predictably too, SBY said the settlement should be made within the 
framework of special autonomy as part of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia. In 
other words, while showing flexibility, the President at the same time imposed 
constraints on issues that lie at the very heart of the problem. 

For a correct analysis of the issue, we need to focus on the current situation 
in West Papua. In the first place, there are the contradictory policies being 
pursued by Jakarta. Having granted the status of special autonomy according to 
a law adopted in 2001, Jakarta has nevertheless pressed ahead with an earlier 
law to partition the province. One of the provisions of the Special Autonomy 
Law was the establishment of the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP), which should 
be consulted on major government decisions. This would certainly include the 
partitioning of the province. But the MRP has not yet been set up while it 
remains unclear whether it will have powers broad enough to have a say on such 
matters. 

Meanwhile, the partitioning of West Papua is proceeding apace; a new province 
called West Irian Jaya has been created and preparations are underway for local 
elections to be held there. While a decision by the Constitutional Court 
earlier this year found that partitioning was unlawful, the court refrained 
from calling for the dissolution of the West Irian province as this would have 
meant taking a retroactive decision. This appears to have left the Special 
Autonomy Law in tatters. 

In its recent action to "hand back" the Special Autonomy Law, the Papuan 
Customary Council did not draw attention to the existence of this new province, 
which is surely the most serious challenge to the law's legitimacy. After 
bringing forward the date of its action from Aug. 15 to Aug. 12, the customary 
council went ahead with the decision, taken at its Third Congress in February 
this year, to hand back the Special Autonomy Law. 

The demonstration in Jayapura was attended by more than 10,000 people, many of 
whom occupied the building of the provincial assembly, the DPRP, in Jayapura. 
As the organizers had promised, the action was entirely peaceful and the 
security forces appear to have decided to lie low and let the action proceed. 
While this is certainly out of character for the Indonesian Military (TNI), it 
is likely that they were under orders to avoid clashes and casualties so as not 
to take the shine off the government's success in clinching a deal with GAM, 
which was signed in Helsinki on Aug. 15. 

The customary council's Aug. 12 action has certainly drawn international 
attention to the unsatisfactory nature of special autonomy, the law will remain 
in place, albeit mired in confusion. Little has been said about the impact of 
the law on the daily lives of the Papuan people but reports being received from 
West Papua show that conditions have not improved in the three years since its 
enactment. 

One sustained criticism is that money allocated for the implementation of 
special autonomy has been used unlawfully to finance military operations. 
According to the head of West Papua's Baptist Church, Rev. Socratez Sofyan 
Yoman, funds amounting to Rp 19 billion allocated to the Puncak Jaya district, 
are being used for military operations, which have been underway there since 
August last year. There are also allegations of corruption on the part of West 
Papuan Governor J.P Salossa and members of his staff, which has led to the 
threat of defamation charges being filed against the customary council. 

One of SBY's points distinguishing the situation in Papua from Aceh was that 
the armed movement there is small. He might have added that the Free Papua 
Movement (OPM) has already declared its intention to forego military actions 
and focus on making West Papua a Land of Peace. This being the case, why did 
the President allow the Army to announce plans in March to increase the number 
of troops in Papua by 12,000 to 15,000 men, bringing the total to around 
50,000? 

The TNI has also announced plans to set up new resort and district military 
commands and to deploy a new division of the Army Strategic Reserves Command 
(KOSTRAD) in the province. Claims that the military build-up is necessary to 
guard the border with Papua New Guinea make little sense as there have been no 
reports of OPM operations on either side of the border. 

Furthermore, while the President spoke of his intention to resolve the conflict 
by means of dialog, he failed to acknowledge the fact that the churches in 
Papua, which are acknowledged as being the most important institutions speaking 
out on behalf of the Papuan people, have for years declared their attachment to 
creating a land of peace in Papua, while calling for dialog. 

Surely SBY should recognize that the last thing Papua needs is more troops; on 
the contrary, all troops recruited from outside of Aceh should be withdrawn 
without delay, and an early date set for disbanding the Army's territorial 
structure in West Papua. More than anything else, this would prove that 
Jakarta's peaceful intentions are genuine. 

But most important of all, SBY referred in his address to "historical issues". 
This must surely refer to the way in which West Papua was incorporated into the 
Indonesian Republic, which brings us to the central issue, the so-called Act of 
Free Choice in 1969. Just over a thousand tribal chiefs were coerced into 
declaring unanimously for integration; they had no choice and the Act was not 
free. This happened during the days of military rule under Gen. Soeharto when 
the level of repression was far too heavy for Papuans to take action. 

Today, Indonesia can take pride in having its first directly elected president 
in sixty years. Of all people, the man who was elected should have the courage 
to acknowledge that what happened in 1969 is an appalling stain on Indonesia's 
history, which cannot be upheld in a country that prides itself on being a 
democracy. 

This historical issue will continue to rankle with the people of West Papua. It 
is surely within SBY's powers to set in motion diplomatic moves to annul this 
fraudulent Act and to enter into dialog with Papuan leaders on the future 
status of the province. 

SBY has expressed his anger that Papua was included by the House of 
Representatives in the 2006 Appropriations Bill for the State Department, 
requiring it to "reinforce efforts to promote human rights in Papua and Aceh" 
and has set in motion diplomatic efforts to have this deleted. Were he to 
succeed, it would only draw more attention to the Papuan problem and infuriate 
many senators, congressmen and congresswomen. 

International interest in West Papuan has certainly grown in the past few years 
and there is nothing the Indonesian President can do to reverse this. 
Indonesia's international reputation can best be served by a courageous move at 
the very top to revise the government's policy on West Papua, to withdraw its 
troops, and, as a matter of urgency, to enter into dialog with representatives 
of the people of West Papua. If SBY were to move in this direction, he would 
have another important success to be proud of in next year's anniversary 
address. 

The writer is the founder of TAPOL, the Indonesia Human Rights Campaign, set up 
in 1973. 


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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