http://www.iht.com/articles/2005/09/02/news/edvatik.php


       Michael Vatikiotis: Islamizing Indonesia  
      International Herald Tribune

      SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 2005
     


     
      SINGAPORE Amid global fears about the spread of Islamic militancy, the 
last thing anyone wants to hear about is creeping fundamentalism in Indonesia, 
the world's largest Muslim nation. But these fears have become more palpable in 
recent weeks. 

      Indonesia's highest Muslim body has issued religious edicts banning mixed 
marriages, religious pluralism and interfaith prayers. A series of attacks has 
forced the closure of Christian churches. And in the province of Aceh, where 
the government has reached an agreement with the pro-independence movement to 
end a long-running insurgency, a woman was publicly flogged and more than a 
dozen men have been caned in the past three months for breaching newly 
introduced Shariah, or Islamic law. 

      Some Indonesians are worried about the trend this pattern of events 
suggests. As many as seven districts in Indonesia, from West Java to South 
Sulawesi and Madura, already have enforced some kind of Shariah, something they 
can do under Indonesia's wide-ranging autonomy law. 

      The liberal Muslim scholar Syafi'i Anwar complains about what he calls 
the "creeping Shariah-ization of Indonesia." He frets that the country's 
political leadership is paying no attention to the spread of Islamic law, which 
he believes is poorly understood and manipulated by local politicians to 
bolster their popularity. "Indonesia has no credible religious leaders, and we 
don't know where we are heading," he laments. 

      Indeed, the untimely death on Monday of one of Indonesia's most prominent 
liberal Islamic scholars, Nurcholish Madjid, leaves a huge gap in a country 
where crude religious rhetoric mixing dogma with mysticism finds a ready 
audience among people who have given up expecting justice from secular 
quarters. 

      Lately, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has sought to allay concerns 
that Indonesia was drifting toward fundamentalism. "You may read from time to 
time the voice of small radical groups," Yudhoyono said. "But this voice will 
not change the fact that mainstream Indonesia will continue to be moderate, 
tolerant and democratic." 

      Democracy means that extremists can express themselves more freely. One 
of the 11 fatwas issued by the influential Council of Ulama at the end of July 
states that Islamic interpretations based on liberalism, secularism and 
pluralism "contradict Islamic teachings." The fear in conservative Islamic 
circles is that political openness will erode religious values and allow 
proselytizing by Christians. 

      Indonesians have already rejected the idea of their country becoming an 
Islamic state, however, and are not inclined to vote for hard-line Islamic 
parties. Two years ago Indonesian legislators voted to reject the insertion of 
Shariah provisions in the country's constitution. 

      Most Indonesians are not moved by rigid religious dogma. The middle 
ground in Indonesian politics is secular and tolerant, and for any avowedly 
Islamic party to win a majority it would need to cast off any notion of 
altering the basis of a state that is home to millions of Christians and Hindus 
as well. A popular grassroots party, the Prosperous Justice Party, was forced 
to subordinate support for Shariah to a secular reform platform in its 
manifesto - though many suspect that the party still promotes Shariah. 

      But in a country where democracy is new and political parties are still 
underdeveloped, religion is a powerful mobilizing force and is subject to 
exploitation for political ends. Witness how hard it has been for the 
government to ban known terrorist organizations like Jemaah Islamiyah for fear 
of alienating support. The Ministry of Religious Affairs refuses to bring 
charges against Muslims who have forced the closure of almost two dozen 
churches in recent weeks, blaming Christians instead for not seeking legal 
permits to worship. 

      The use of Shariah for political ends is even more worrying, as this has 
a lasting impact on society. In Aceh, Shariah was introduced as a government 
ploy to draw off popular support for Aceh's independence movement. The idea was 
that Shariah would help impart a sense of autonomy and Islamic identity and 
persuade the long-suffering Acehnese that Jakarta was giving them what they 
wanted. 

      Under Shariah, women in Aceh must wear head scarves and are less free to 
mingle with men. Public floggings for convicted gamblers and drinkers have 
already taken place. Yet in more liberal quarters of Acehnese society there has 
been an outcry over the barbarity and abuse of human rights that public caning 
involves. 

      The problem with mixing Islam and politics is that a dogmatic view tends 
to prevail because of Muslims' fears of being branded apostates. Indonesia is 
not becoming an Islamic state anytime soon, but its political leaders are prone 
to exploiting Islam for short-term ends that could have lasting consequences. 

      (Michael Vatikiotis is a visiting research fellow at the Institute of 
Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore.) 
     


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