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**http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1139395473254&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull
Feb. 23, 2006 12:14 | Updated Feb. 26, 2006 10:17
Christians under cover
By LAUREN GELFOND FELDINGER
Palestinian educator Dr. Maria Khoury geared up for the
winter chill with what was at the time a meaningless purchase: a black silk
scarf with silver stripes to drape around her neck.
But now, on her daily excursions from the West Bank's Taiba
to nearby Ramallah, the scarf serves as a political symbol of the changing
times.
"Since Hamas took over, I cover my head in Ramallah," she
says. "I don't feel comfortable."
In the largely cosmopolitan Ramallah, though they comprise
some 10 percent of the population, Christians are becoming less and less
visible.
The first time that Khoury ran into her local parish priest
there with her head covered, he raised his eyebrows and laughed.
"I see more and more women covered up," Khoury says,
explaining that for now, it's preferable to play it safe and assimilate on the
street, even if she would never choose to cover her head otherwise.
"Years ago I even used to go in short sleeves," she says.
"You'd have to put a gun to my head to get me to wear short sleeves now."
With fear of government-supported religious coercion on the
rise since Hamas's unexpected win in January's Palestinian elections,
Christians across the West Bank and Gaza Strip are keeping a low profile, with
eyes wide open.
Though no changes on the ground have affected their rights as
of yet, they are watching carefully and anxiously to see if an already
precarious "church and state" separation in Palestinian government is about to
disintegrate.
They have reason for concern: If Hamas follows on its
founders' path to fight Israel and install strict Islamic religious rule,
Palestinian Christians stand to become a legally subjugated minority inside
Palestinian society, while suffering further conflict with neighboring Israel.
A small minority, estimated to be between one to two percent
of the total Palestinian population, Christians have long been in an awkward
position, managing a balancing act of simultaneously being insiders and
outsiders.
Local Christians see themselves as part of a single
Palestinian people with Muslims - with a shared destiny, language and culture,
a shared political goal to keeping their land in a safe, sovereign Palestinian
state and shared suffering and anger.
On the other hand, they are an ever-shrinking minority, with
separate religious beliefs and rituals, trying to fight for religious equality
and oppose violence as a means of legitimate struggle, without isolating or
alienating themselves from the larger Palestinian population. Intermarriage
between Palestinian Christians and Muslims is a rare, sensitive and sometimes
risky issue.
Further exaggerating the balancing act in recent years is an
insecure relationship with western Evangelical Christians, who fervently
support Israel, leaving indigenous Palestinian Christians on the other side of
the security fence sometimes feeling neglected or like the enemy, despite a
shared reverence for the Christian Gospels.
Amidst this already tenuous situation, Palestinian Christians
are holding their breath, as a new Palestinian leadership determines their
future.
While locals and analysts doubt Hamas will enforce a strict
Shari'a religious law, the Christian community is proceeding with a "just in
case" caution.
ALCOHOL IS one of the things on the minds of Christian and
secular Palestinians these days - not because the society drinks very much, but
because it is an at-risk symbol of freedom in a secular society, a symbol that
was tolerated under the largely secular Fatah leadership.
Though in Gaza alcohol was banned in recent years and only
smuggled in, legal alcohol manufacturers, distributors and pubs can be found
across the West Bank in many areas with Christian populations, like east
Jerusalem, Ramallah, Bir Zeit, Jericho, Jifna and around Bethlehem.
Since the elections, a new joke has hit these neighborhoods:
"Better drink up now - while we still can." Despite the joke, business for
vendors is a little slow.
"There is a change in the market because people are hesitant
to overstock," says Nakhle Jubran, a Ramallah-based family manufacturer of
Arak, an anise-flavored liquor. "People are taking a 'wait and see' approach.
This happens whenever the political climate changes. I assume it's temporary."
People are hoping for order, and not only freedom, he added:
"Before Hamas there were problems, people shooting in bars and nightclubs for
stupid or no reasons. [Lawlessness] and chaos is not only a problem for
Christians, but all minorities, rich and poor."
In Taiba, a solely Christian neighborhood with fewer than
2,000 residents, the only micro-brewing plant in the Middle East and the only
Palestinian beer brewery is finishing the last touches on its first
non-alcoholic beer.
"It's a good time to launch," says Nadim Khoury, head of the
Taybeh Brewing Company.
Not only is a non-alcoholic beer a respectful and careful nod
to religious Muslims, but the product is also good for Palestinian economic
interests, a fact that Hamas is unlikely to ignore, he says: "Other
non-alcoholic beers are already produced in Turkey, Egypt and Bavaria, so a
locally-produced product would benefit the Palestinian economy. Hamas knows it
needs all kinds of support. We also generate revenue for the Palestinian
economy by buying gas for our trucks, paying our workers, etc."
Hana Karkar, an east Jerusalem and West Bank distributor of
Taybeh Beer, as well as Israeli and foreign beers, says it's not just the
alcohol industry that's on edge. "Restaurants are afraid that the Palestinian
Authority won't be able to pay their monthly bill, because of all their
financial problems."
OTHER SYMBOLS of religious and social freedom, from secular
dress to coeducational schools and the right to opt out of a mandatory Islamic
religion and history test for students, are on the list of rights that
Christians are talking about in the wake of the Hamas win.
But the issues they aren't talking about are even more
critical, says an area bishop who spoke to The Jerusalem Post on condition of
anonymity.
"The situation is complex, very delicate, very sensitive.
Tensions between Christians and Muslims revolve around social and criminal
issues, but there are also religious issues, strong and sometimes harsh
issues," he said. "Fear of revenge, isolation and misunderstanding keeps them
from speaking up. There are many prejudices, and it can be dangerous. For this
reason, and sometimes to protect the family's honor, sometimes things are not
reported."
One issue that is underreported is what the bishop calls
"property abuse," instances when a Muslim steals the property of a Christian,
he says. "It's important to add that on occasion this happens with the help of
other Christians, who get paid off to report when a family is on vacation."
Attorney Justus Reid Weiner recently published a report via
the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs that says Palestinian Christians also
frequently underreport violence and harassment, including sexual harassment and
rape.
And tensions are always high when Christians feel their
neighborhoods or holy places are being violated, like after a September attack
on 14 Christian family homes in Taiba. A local priest, Father Raed Abu
Sahliyeh, told The Palestine Report that 14 young men from Deir Jreir were
arrested, but released in exchange for calm.
The attack took place after a Muslim woman caught having an
affair with a Christian man was purportedly killed by her family in an "honor
killing," and angry neighbors came out to target the relatives of the Christian
man. Villagers reported hearing the rampagers saying, "Let's get the
Christians."
Palestinian security forces were delayed from intervening,
held up at Israel's Beit El checkpoint, making the Christians feel abandoned by
their Muslim neighbors and by Israel. But their religious leader spoke
cautiously.
"The attack by the young men of Deir Jreir was a violent,
unjustified and barbaric reaction, but it should not be taken as an attack by a
Muslim village against a Christian village," the priest told local newspapers,
adding that such events have happened previously and with worse results,
including deaths.
"I reject the newspapers and the people who spoke about an
attack by Muslims against Christians," he added. "I will repeat this a million
times: We are Arabs, we are Palestinians and we are Christian since 2,000
years. This is a small biblical village. We have lived in peace with
surrounding Muslim villages for 14 centuries. This mistake between two people
should not poison the relations between Muslims and Christians. Those who are
playing this dirty game should calm down. We are wise and we say that we have
no choice but to live together, side by side, and with friendly relations."
The plight of Christians is not known to Palestinian human
rights organizations, says Bassam Eid, director of the Palestinian Human Rights
Monitoring Group. "I'm quite sure there are some troubles or clashes but they
do not represent a trend," he says. "Our organization has never received
information about discrimination; we have only heard rumors, which seem
exagerated. If there is persecution or discrimination, the Christian community
must raise it at once to Christian Palestinian Legislative Council members and
to rights organizations."
Such messages as have already been sent have been hesitant.
Thirteen Holy Land patriarchs and bishops sent a statement to Hamas on February
1, congratulating the Palestinians on their democratic performance, and
offering cooperation toward "justice and peace in a nonviolent way, whether in
regard to foreign relations [or] the rule of law together with full religious
freedom." They also offered prayers for "the Holy Land with all its
inhabitants, Palestinians and Israelis, be they Muslims, Christians or Jews."
Days later, delegations of Christian Arabs from Israel
appealed to a Vatican assembly for aid for Holy Land Christians, to help stem
further emigration and despair. Christians around the world worry that ancient
Christian neighborhoods will become antique ruins without native inhabitants.
Since the 19th century, periods of economic and political turmoil have often
led to periods of migration for Christians, many of whom already have family in
North, Central and South America.
"The whole Palestinian people is suffering because of the
general situation, but Palestinian Christians suffer twice as much," says
Palestinian theologian and psychologist George Khoury, who recently emigrated
to the United States.
DESPITE TENSIONS, analysts predict that Hamas's hunt for
financial stability and international recognition and legitimacy is likely to
keep it more moderate - at least for the time being.
"Hamas is trying so hard to be accepted internationally that
they will work even harder than Fatah in this direction," says Palestinian
journalist and commentator Daoud Kuttab.
"In Bethlehem, Palestinian Christians had some real problems
with the way the PA dealt with some of their complaints. The current feeling is
that Hamas will do better in this direction. [Shari'a being imposed] is a risk,
although I don't think at present it is a big risk. Hamas barely won in real
terms and so they don't have anything close to the 2/3 majority they would need
to make such changes."
Palestinian legislation currently reserves six local seats
for Christian candidates to help govern their own cities, and in the cities
with the largest Christian populations, Ramallah and Bethlehem, Hamas voted as
well for the local Christian candidates, a point Kuttab says also underlines a
Hamas awareness of Christian concerns.
Recent events also made political analysts around the world
take a second look at Hamas.
When protests broke out across Gaza after the publishing of
the Muhammad caricatures, Muslim gunmen associated with Fatah threatened local
Christians and their churches. But when word got out to local Hamas leader
Mahmoud Zahar, he astounded locals and internationals by paying a visit to a
Catholic church to apologize and offer the protection of his own military
forces.
"You are our brothers," Zahar purportedly told Father Manuel
Musallem.
Fatah gunmen then returned to the Catholic grounds there,
armed this time with red carnations, to apologize for their comrades'
transgressions.
Later, members of the Greek Orthodox church joined their
Muslim neighbors in Gaza City for a peaceful solidarity protest against the
caricatures.
In Nablus in December, the Hamas-affiliated Mayor Adli Yaish
told The Jerusalem Post that he planned to uphold one of his campaign pledges:
to run Nablus as a city for all its citizens. "Our slogan is Nablus for all,
which means Christians, Muslims, Samaritans and people from the villages," he
said. Local Christians there also helped elect the Hamas city council
candidates, who won a sweeping majority.
Randa Siniora, a Palestinian lawyer and head of Al-Haq, a
Palestinian human rights watch group, explains that Hamas will be very careful
not to step on the rights of Christians, even though Shari'a remains one source
for legislation.
"It was shocking, stunning that Hamas won. We saw the worries
of Christians and also secular Muslims who want a separation [of church and
state]. But Hamas has other priorities and will postpone addressing these
issues [of Shari'a]. There are some voices for Islamization, but they have been
shut down. [These] voices are not the trend in Hamas leaders, who are focusing
on political, not social, issues. Hamas is pragmatic; it knows that if you
touch these issues it could be detrimental, even catastrophic for them."
If there are any changes they will be gradual and with the
people's approval, she added.
"If you look at the basic Palestinian law, it clearly
outlines respect for religion and religious practice. Laws about family status
will affect only Muslims. Shari'a is tricky, it can be interpreted in many ways
by different individuals. In Palestinian law it's hard to drop Shari'a as a
source."
Palestinian society itself may also put up a fight against
strict Shari'a, as locals are considered much more liberal than many other Arab
populations across the Middle East and Africa, where Christians routinely
complain of discrimination, coercion and violence under Shari'a.
ACROSS THE WEST BANK, local Christians, the secular and other
minorities are waiting to see whether agreements signed by Yasser Arafat will
be upheld, like the year 2000 agreement between the Holy See and the PLO
guaranteeing freedom of religion, and the Palestinian "Basic Law" passed by the
PLC in 1997 and ratified by Arafat in 2002.
Regarding religion, the Basic Law says: "Islam is the
official religion; the respect and sanctity of all other heavenly religions
shall be maintained; the principles of Shari'a shall be a major source of
legislation; all Palestinians are equal under the law and judiciary, without
discrimination because of race, sex, gender, religion, or political views;
freedom of belief and performance of religious rituals are guaranteed [unless]
they violate public order or public morals."
Though Siniora doesn't think Hamas will go so far as to
attempt to control the way people dress or participate in drinking or secular
activities in public, she does think people will observe self censorship as a
defensive measure.
"I think people will censor themselves," she says. "Young
people usually celebrate Valentine's Day at Bethlehem University. This year
[after the elections] they didn't, but nobody censored them. This [self
censorship] is more dangerous because it is creating changes on the ground."
Bernard Sabella, a Bethlehem University sociologist who was
elected in January to Bethlehem's city council, was apparently thinking about
such issues several years ago. In 1999, after increased tensions between
Muslims and Christians when Muslims laid the cornerstone for a mosque in
Nazareth, he was quoted in Cairo's Al-Ahram newspaper as saying, "A
majority-minority relationship means either you don't have equal rights before
the law or that you are dependent on the good will of the majority for these
rights. At the dawn of the 21st century, this idea is simply no longer
acceptable to Palestinian Christians. I exist in Palestine not because Muslims
or the PA or Israel 'protects' me. I exist here by virtue of my birth, my
ancestors and, above all, because I am a Palestinian. I don't owe this
existence to anybody. The age of Ahl Ad-Dhimma [second-class citizenship] is
over."
Like Sabella, Palestinian Christians worry that the rest of
the world has forgotten that their roots are indigenous.
"This is called the Holy Land and we were here before the
Muslims... I mean, look at our late president [Arafat]. He was always saying
'Christians and Muslims;' he always said Christians first, because he knew we
were here before Muhammad," says Nadim Khoury.
"But I think it's too early now for Hamas to worry about
Christians. Hamas will either become more moderate and succeed in parliament,
or will become more religious and strict on women's dress and alcohol - but
nobody will like that, so I don't think they will choose that path.
"Let's give them a chance. After all, [Menachem] Begin
delivered Sinai and [Ariel] Sharon delivered Gaza. Maybe Hamas will deliver,
too."
His sister-in-law, Maria Khoury, agrees.
"We will follow any rules, but it's important for my son to
have the same freedoms he had before. We already struggle under Israeli
occupation; we don't want to struggle under Islamic rule. We want everyone to
have rights, not just Christians."
And by summer she hopes things will have cooled down.
"By then," she says, "the black scarf will be very hot to
wear over my head."
[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]
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