http://www.theage.com.au/news/opinion/indonesia-clamps-down-on-reporting-of-west-papua/2006/04/12/1144521396954.html


Indonesia clamps down on reporting of West Papua

April 13, 2006

I was last in West Papua in early 2003, reporting on the rise of Islamic 
militia groups aligned with the Indonesian army on the PNG-West Papua border, 
the intimidation and attacks on human rights workers by the Indonesian military 
and the outrage of the West Papuan leaders at the insincerity of the Government 
in Jakarta in honouring the 2001 autonomy law.
In the intervening three years, these issues have remained the main concerns 
for West Papuans. The only difference is that now the Indonesian authorities 
have just got better at keeping the information out of the Western media and 
now the people of West Papua are more desperate to be heard.

The Jakarta Foreign Correspondents Club confirmed in February that in the 
previous 18 months not one foreign correspondent had received permission to 
travel to West Papua. As for visiting journalists, I had direct experience of 
the new restrictions in May 2003 when I received my temporary press card in 
Jakarta. Stamped across the front of the card was a very clear "NOT FOR VISITS 
TO ACEH PAPUA OR MALUKU". That was then introduced as the standard for visiting 
journalists.

In a bizarre twist, the man who authorised my restricted accreditation back 
then, M. Wahid Supriyadi, is now consul-general for Indonesia in Melbourne and 
wrote an opinion piece in The Age this week in which he said we are now in an 
age of global communications, when not a single untoward death in West Papua 
could possibly go unnoticed in the world's media - an interesting comment from 
a man given the job of keeping foreign journalists out of West Papua for the 
past three years.

But journalists are only one of many groups and organisations still being kept 
out of West Papua. The ban has extended to academics, church groups, 
non-government organisations, human rights monitors and even an ambassadorial 
level EU delegation last year.

Local human rights organisations in West Papua have come under very real and 
direct threat from the Indonesian military and are restricted in what 
information they can gather and what they dare report publicly. One of the most 
chilling interviews I had in West Papua on my last visit was with Johannes 
Bonay, director of West Papua's only functioning human rights organisation, 
ELSHAM. He told me how his wife and daughter were seriously wounded on December 
28, 2002, when unidentified gunmen ambushed the car in which they were 
travelling between the border posts of West Papua and Papua New Guinea.

The police investigation identified Indonesian military as being present when 
the shooting occurred. If we analyse the reports by the people and the 
investigation by the police, we can divine that Kopassus is behind this, Bonay 
told me at the time. At that time, he was receiving none-too-subtle threats, 
with recordings of someone being tortured being repeatedly left on his 
answering machine. He has since left West Papua.

It is in this information-poor environment that West Papuan protests against 
the division of Papua and rejection of the 2001 autonomy law have taken place 
largely unnoticed by the press in Australia.

Last year on August 12, 10,000 people marched for 20 kilometres into the 
capital Jayapura to protest against what they called the total failure of the 
autonomy law. This law had as its centerpiece the formation of a Papuan 
People's Assembly as a representative body for Papuan leaders. But in January 
2003, concerned that the proposed assembly would favour independence, Megawati 
Soekarnoputri had declared a restructuring of the administration of West Papua 
into three provinces, basically rendering the autonomy law unworkable. 
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has endorsed this with last month's 
elections for the new province of West Irian Jaya going ahead to the dismay of 
local Papuan leaders.

Canberra and Jakarta can talk all they like about implementing autonomy, but 
the people of West Papua have already firmly rejected it. Whether that 
rejection is reported or not, that is what is driving events on the ground, 
not, as the Prime Minister implies, the encouragement of supporters of 
independence in Australia.

Maybe Canberra just doesn't know what is happening. As a US State Department 
official told me in West Papua in 2002, Australian embassy officials in Jakarta 
showed no interest in events there; they didn't want to be caught out by 
knowing too much, as they had been in East Timor.

The police investigation identified Indonesian military as being present when 
the shooting occurred. If we analyse the reports by the people and the 
investigation by the police, we can divine that Kopassus is behind this, Bonay 
told me at the time. At that time, he was receiving none-too-subtle threats, 
with recordings of someone being tortured being repeatedly left on his 
answering machine. He has since left West Papua.

It is in this information-poor environment that West Papuan protests against 
the division of Papua and rejection of the 2001 autonomy law have taken place 
largely unnoticed by the press in Australia.

Last year on August 12, 10,000 people marched for 20 kilometres into the 
capital Jayapura to protest against what they called the total failure of the 
autonomy law. This law had as its centerpiece the formation of a Papuan 
People's Assembly as a representative body for Papuan leaders. But in January 
2003, concerned that the proposed assembly would favour independence, Megawati 
Soekarnoputri had declared a restructuring of the administration of West Papua 
into three provinces, basically rendering the autonomy law unworkable. 
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has endorsed this with last month's 
elections for the new province of West Irian Jaya going ahead to the dismay of 
local Papuan leaders.

Canberra and Jakarta can talk all they like about implementing autonomy, but 
the people of West Papua have already firmly rejected it. Whether that 
rejection is reported or not, that is what is driving events on the ground, 
not, as the Prime Minister implies, the encouragement of supporters of 
independence in Australia.

Maybe Canberra just doesn't know what is happening. As a US State Department 
official told me in West Papua in 2002, Australian embassy officials in Jakarta 
showed no interest in events there; they didn't want to be caught out by 
knowing too much, as they had been in East Timor.

John Martinkus is the author of Quarterly Essay 7, Paradise Betrayed: West 
Papua's Struggle for Independence.




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