http://fediandina.multiply.com/journal/item/8

Selasa minggu lalu aku dapat email dari wakil pemred bahwa Kamis ada diskusi
tertutup tentang "Bagaimana Kamu Jihadis di Indonesia semakin berkembang"
yang diselenggarakan oleh sebuah institut Belgia di Brussel. Aku sebar email
itu ke semua kolega dan tidak lama kemudian, boss datang. Dia bilang ini
diskusi bagus, kamu saja ke Brussel. Bisa tidak? Wah aku rada bingug soalnya
aku udah janji mau reportase ke Amsterdam tentang makanan pada jaman
Singasari, Soal makanan aku doyan berat lah, boleh dikatakan pakar
(sedikit). Tapi ini reportase di Brussel juga sangat menarik.

Akhirnya ada rekanku yang mau mengambil-alih reportase di Amsterdam. Jadilah
aku ngurus semua serba cepat, tiket kereta api pp ke Brussel, hotel, dan
yang paling penting, melaporkan diri ke pihak penyelenggara bahwa aku ingin
hadir. Soalnya diskusi tertutup dan hanya boleh datang atas undangan
pribadi. Waktu aku dapat email balasan oke, langsung kontak biro perjalanan.
Dapat tiket kereta pp kelas satu (lumayan), hotelnya dekat dari tempat
diskusi (500 meter) jadi aku nggak takut kalo pulang malem banget.

Jadilah ke brussel. baru sekali itu aku naik kereta internasional dari
Amsterdam. Biasanya naik Thalys (kalo ke Paris, udah berkali-kali) atau naik
mobil sama suami tercinta. Bawaanku banyak tapi bisa diringkes di satu tas
ditambah tas lagi isi laptop. Wah aku harus laporan nih , bener juga kata
kolega yang lain, kalo laporan kayak gini bawaannya ribet. Cukup berat
lagi. Aku harus keluar di Brussel Central. Rupanya setelah perbatasan
Brussel ada kereta lain yang mogok, jadi terlambat satu jam.

Sampai di hotel (bagus juga di tengah kota lagi) aku jalan keluar sebentar
melihat lokasi dan keadaan. wah rupanya di tengah alun-alun besar dengan
banyak restoran dan toko mahal (Rue de Sablon). Eits, ada dua toko coklat
yang satu Godiva dan yang lain Wittamer. Godiva aku kenal dari sitenya sudah
bertahun-tahun. Aku kira ini coklat USA, tauknya asal Belgi juga. Jadilah
hati tak terbendung untuk mencoba, sekalian bawain oleh-oleh buat orang di
rumah. Alah maakkk, mahalnya!!! Karena cinta suami dan anak beli juga
paaseiren (coklat kayak telor paskah kecil-kecil), truffle, coklat batangan
khas Godiva, bon-bon dan cokalt kecil-kecil dengan hiasan paskah yang cantik
khusus untuk putriku Anne. Mahal mak, hampir 50 euro. Biarlah kan nggak tiap
bulan ke brussel.

perutku keroncongan, cari makan. Di Brussel semuanya serba Prancis, walaupun
ada juga terjemahan bahasa Belandanya. Dan aku nggak gape bahasa Prancis.
Akhirnya masuk trattoria Italia, pesen slada yang besar dan dia kasih pasta
yang adalah menu hari itu. Wah sedap banget!!! langsung seger lagi rasa
badan ini. Setelah itu cari tempat diskusi, rupanya tidak jauh dan gedungnya
juga bagus.

Setelah balik ke hotel, mandi, siap-siap dengan peralatan aku pelan-pelan
persiapkan diri buat diskusi. Mudah-mudahan bahasa Inggrisku nggak kagok.
Soalnya ku nggak tahu siapa peserta diskusi lainnya. Yang aku tahu cuma
pembicara utama, Noor Huda Ismail, bekas luusan Ngruki yang sekarang lagi
ngambil master di University of St. Andrew di Skotland. Dia katanya sekelas
dengan sejumlah jihadis, pembom Bali dll. Jadi cerita dari mulut pertama nih
...

Sampai di sana kenalan sama sejumlah orang. Aku diminta untuk tidak merekam
diskusi tapi boleh wawancara setelah itu. Rupanya ada beberapa orang yang
keberatan direkam, karena mereka kerja buat intel atau deplu atau uni eropa.
Nggak papa lah, selama aku bisa nulis isi diskusi itu sudah bagus. Setelah
itu aku mau wawancara Noor Huda. Diskusinya seru, cukup bermanfaat, walaupun
aku nggak begitu negrti maksudnya. Rupanay mereka ini *policy maker*-nya
Belgia, dan ingin tahun pengalaman pribadi Huda.

Selesai diskusi Huda dan saya diajak makan oleh Prof Rik Coolsaet dari
Universitas Gent di Belgia. Kita ngobrol tentang Huda, tentang diskusi dan
tentang jihad dan terorisme di Indon.Baru setelah itu saya bisa wawancara
Huda. Sudah malam, sudah capek dan ngantuk. Untungnya saya tetap gigih dan
kritis.Tapi hari ini rasanya panjang sekali dan setelah sampe di hotel baru
kerasa capeknya badan. Mana kerjaan belum selesai, aku harus ngedit dan kalo
bisa kirim wawancara langsung ke Hilversum

Besok paginya setelah makan pagi saya pualng lagi ke Belanda. Pengalaman
yang sangat berguna, walaupun saya merasa aneh juga. Sebenranya semua
berjalan lancar, tapi ada beberapa item yang kalo bisa saya ingin ubah atawa
ulang. Biarlah telpon lagi kalo perlu ...

Malamnya waktu istirahat di rumah, badan saya panas, demam tinggi 40
derajat. pake muntah-muntah lagi. Waaahhh apaan ini??? Suami saya agak panik
dan lngsung telpon dokter jaga. Setelah diperiksa, saya radang tenggorokan,
langsung dikasih antibiotika. Badan rasanya lemessss banget. Dokter bilang
kecapekan. Bisa juga, udah sebulan lebih saya kerja keras, ngelembur hampir
tiap hari ....!!!
===
Dari Rahmadiyanti Rusdi, pegiat FLP dan redaktur majalah Annida

Hasil diskusinya gak boleh dipublish juga ya, Mbak Fedi? Pengen tau deh,
paling gak bocoran dikit gitu :), gimana menurut Noor Huda perkembangan kaum
jihadis di Indonesia...
Oya, semoga cepet sehat lagi ya mbak

===
Hai semua, terima kasih atas doanya. Saya sudah mulai kerja lagi kemarin.
Sekarang gantian sang suami yang ketularan. Wah rupanya loncat-loncat dari
yang satu ke yang lain Jadi kita gantian ngurusin orang sakit
he...he...he...

Tentang isi diskusi itu bisa dilihat di blognya Noor Huda Ismail, alamatnya:
http://noorhudaismail.blogspot.com

===

setelah liat informasi di blognya nurhuda sbb :

Noor Huda Ismail <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> was a special correspondent for
the Washington Post's Jakarta bureau from 2003-2004. He was also a research
analyst at the Institute of Defense and Security Studies Nanyang
Technological University, Singapore, in 2005. Currently, he is a British
Chevening scholar undertaking postgraduate program on International Security
Studies at St. Andrews University, UK.

===

http://noorhudaismail.blogspot.com/2006/03/understanding-how-jihadists-in.html
Understanding How Jihadists in Indonesia Rejuvenate Themselves Introduction

Jamaah Islamiyah, a pan-Southeast Asia jihadi network, has been weaken by
arrests and other counter-terror measures put in place since the October
2002 Bali bombing, parts of the organizations, or even individuals, can
continue to function in partnership with non JI groups . Since then,
terrorists have struck with murderous effect, twice in Jakarta -- at the
Marriott Hotel in August 2003 and in the vicinity of the Australian Embassy
in September 2004 -- and once again in Bali last October. But which group
and how are the partnerships forged

The full article is in PDF format, please click
here<https://alumni.state.gov/bin/alumni/Brussel%20talk.pdf>to see it.

===
hasil copy paste, namun agak berantakan dengan catatan kakinya.  silakan
download langsung pdf filenya di
https://alumni.state.gov/bin/alumni/Brussel%20talk.pdf

1
Understanding how Jihadists in Indonesia rejuvenate themselves
Noor Huda Ismail
Introduction
Jamaah Islamiyah, a pan-Southeast Asia jihadi network, has been weaken by
arrests and other
counter-terror measures put in place since the October 2002 Bali bombing,
parts of the
organizations, or even individuals, can continue to function in partnership
with non JI
groups1. Since then, terrorists have struck with murderous effect, twice in
Jakarta -- at the
Marriott Hotel in August 2003 and in the vicinity of the Australian Embassy
in September
2004 -- and once again in Bali last October. But which group and how are the
partnerships
forged?
In the wake of each of these attacks, Indonesia responded in the way a
democracy should:
balancing security needs, the democratic process and respect for human
rights2. However,
Indonesia like other part of Southeast Asia provides conditions that allow
terrorists to
operate, such as weak state control, porous borders, and corruption3. Yet at
the same time
the Indonesian public is skeptical about the existence of an international
terrorist problem.
Not only is there general denial amongst the Indonesian population but
Indonesian's
political leader have had to tread carefully on the issue.
1 International Crisis Group report 2001. Apart from this report, the author
has documented more
than 300 arrested jihadi in Southeast Asia, most of them JI members.
2 Wirayuda, Hasan, Islam and process of democratization in Southeast Asia,
The Jakarta Post,
December 8, 2005
3 Smith, L Anthony, 'The Politics of Negotiating the Terrorist Problem in
Indonesia', in Studies in
Conflict & Terrorism 28:33-44, 2005.
2
This essay mainly based on author's direct interviews with jihadists in
Indonesia4 Martha
Crenshaw reminded us that terrorism research lacks an empirical foundation
of 'primary date
based on interviews and life histories' of those engaged in terrorism5.
Also, less effort has
been put into listening what the terrorists themselves have to
say.6Moreover, interviews
yield rich insight into people's biographies, experience, opinions, values,
aspirations, attitudes
and feelings.7
Thus, it is not the ambition of this essay to come up with any new magic
bullets to
understand this complex phenomenon of terrorism in Indonesia rather to
provide a study
from first hand sources on how these jihadists rejuvenate themselves even
though the high
ranking members had been decapitated.
In the first section, the author explains briefly the concepts he uses and
elaborates the
importance of having a clear definition of terrorism for the on going
counter terrorism
measures in Indonesia. In the next part, he lays out on how to understand
the Jihadis
movement in Indonesia by looking at the existing Islamic resistance group,
kinship, place of
recruitment and distribution of militant books that forged them together. If
the pattern
outlined in this essay holds true, Indonesia will not be able to eradicate
Jamaah Islamiyah or its
jihadist partners, even if it arrests every member of the central command.
Even if Jamaah
Islamiyah closed up shop tomorrow, the terrorism problem would not go away -
of those
detained in Indonesia for terrorist activities, only about half are Jamaah
Islamiyah members;
4 The author was a journalist for the Washington Post who interviewed
hundred of jihadists in
Southeast Asia. From 2002-2005
5 In Horgan, John, 'The case of first hand research' in Silke, Andrew,
Research on Terrorism, Trend,
Achievements and Failures.
6 Horgan, John, The Psychology of Terrorism (Routlegde:London and New York :
2005) xv
7 May, Tim, Social Research Issue, methods and process ( Open University
Press: Maidenhead:2003)
3
the rest belong to other jihadist groups. Finally, he concludes that the
potential recruit can be
prevented and predicted by more attention to a few key measures and the
threat would to be
able to contain.
Clarification of concepts and its implication
Terrorist and Terrorism
Compounding the problem of fighting terrorism in Indonesia is the fact that
there is still
widespread public disbelief about the threat posed by Jamaah Islamiyah and
many in Indonesia
still view the whole war against terrorism as a plan to weaken Islam. Some
even say: the
terrorist threat real of hocus pocus?8 Both the phenomenon of terrorism and
our
conceptions of it depend on historical context-political, social and
economic and how the
group and individuals who participate in or respond to the actions we call
terrorism relate to
world in which they act.9
The terrorist phenomenon has a long and varied history by lively debates
over the meaning
of the term. One of the problems is a simple: there is no widely agreed
definition of
terrorism. The solution, however, is elusive10. By ignoring this history,
the Indonesian
government runs the risk of repeating the plethora of mistakes that faced
similar threats in
8 Zulaika, Joseba and Douglas A. William, Terror and Taboo The Follies,
Fables and Face of
Terrorism ( Routhledge New York and London:1996) p 8.
9 Crenshaw, Martha, Terrorism in Context, ( The Pennsylvania State
University Press:1995)
p3
10 Silke, Andrew, Research on Terrorism. Trends, Achievements and Failures
(Frank Cass:
Great Britain; 2004) p 3.
4
the past.11 Certainly many candidates for universal definition have been
proposed. Schmid
and Jongman recorded 109 different definitions in their famous review in the
mid 1980s, but
an energetic compiler today would have little trouble gathering at least
twice that number.12
It is not in the scope of this essay to provide a profound discussion on
this theme, thus the
author will adopt a broad definition of terrorism as: "the use or threat of
use of violence as a
means of attempting to achieve some sort of effect within a political
context"13 where the
political dimension separates it from regular violence.
Of course, few terrorists call themselves terrorist; many are 'freedom
fighter' or heroic
defenders or worthwhile cause.14 But what sort of freedom are they fighting
for? Certainly
not the kind we enjoy.15 Terrorism clearly is an extremely complex set of
phenomena,
covering a great diversity of groups with different origins and causes16.
Islamism and Global Salafi Jihad
Many Western observers and policy-makers have tended to lump all forms of
Islamism
together, brand them as radical and treat them as hostile. However, this
monolithic concept
is both fundamentally misconceived and misleading in its policy
prescriptions. Islamism – or
Islamic activism (we treat these terms as synonymous) – has a number of very
different
streams, only a few of them violent and only a small minority justifying a
confrontational
11 Audrey, Kurth Cronin, Behind the Curve; Globalization and International
Terrorism, The
Center of Strategic Studies and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology
12 Schmid, Alex and Jongman, Albert, Political Terrorism, 2nd edn (Oxford:
North-Holland
Publishing Company, 1988). Schmid spends more than 100 pages grapping with
the question
of a definition, only to conclude that none is universally accepted.
13 Horgan, John, The Psychology of Terrorism, (Routhledge: London and New
York: 2005) p 1
14 Whitaker J, David, Terrorism Understanding Global Threat (Great
Britain:2002) p 4
15 Dobson, Christopher and Payne, Ronald, War without end the terrorist : an
intelligent dossier, (
Harry; UK 1986) p 338
16 Bjorne, Tore, eds, Root of Causes of Terrorism. Myth, reality and ways
forward (Routhledge:
London and New York: 2005) p 1.
5
response17. In fact, Islamic activism has a number of very different
streams, only a few of
them violent. The starting point to understand the different streams of
Islamic activism is to
distinguish between Shiite and Sunni Islamism18. Shiism is the minority
variant of Islam
(Sunnis constitute over 80 per cent of Muslims) and the most widespread and
natural form
of Shiite activism has been communal -- defending the interests of the
Shiite community in
relation to other populations and to the state itself.19 For this reason,
and because of the
leading political role played by scholars and religious authorities, Shiite
Islamism has
remained unified to a remarkable degree and has not fragmented into
conflicting forms of
activism as has Sunni Islamism.20
In medieval times the war words waged by Western writers against Muhammad,
Islam and
The Koran is emphasized.21 Today, most Western emphasis is place and most
fears are held
about Sunni Islamism, which is often viewed as uniformly fundamentalist22,
radical, and
threatening to Western interests. On the contrary, Sunni Islamism is diverse
and its variant
streams can be grouped into three main distinctive types, each with its own
world view,
modus operandi and characteristic actors:
• Political: Islamic political movements that generally accept the
nation-state and
operate within its constitutional framework, eschew violence (except under
17 ICG Report on Islamism 2003.
18 For a constructive recent discussion of this issue, see Kennedy, Hugh,
The Prophet and the Age of the
Caliphate(Pearson:2004) also see G.S, Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, 3 vol.
(University of Chicago:1974)
19 Milani M.Mohsen, The Making of Iran's Islamic Revolution: From Monarchy
to Islamic Republic (
Westview Press/Boulder and London:1988).
20 Shariati, A., Islamshinasi in Iran, Suroosh, Revolutionay Islam in Iran
Popular Liberation or Religious
doctrinship? P ix
21 Hitti, Philip K, Islam and the West ( D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc :
1962) p 3
22 Tibi, Bassam, The Worldview of Sunni Arab Fundamentalist: Attitude toward
Modern Science and
Technology, in Marty E, Marty and Appleby R Scott, Fundamentalism and
Society (The University of
Chicago Press 1993). According to Tibi, contemporary Muslim thinkers have
accepted a recently coined
term in modern Arabic, usuliya ('fundamentalism), based on the concept of
usul (fundamentals, 'roots of
principles), which is as old as Islam.
6
conditions of foreign occupation), articulate a reformist rather than
revolutionary
vision and invoke universal democratic norms. The characteristic actor is
the partypolitical
militant.
• Missionary: the Islamic missions of conversion (al-da'wa), exemplified by
the highly
structured Tablighi movement and the highly diffuse Salafiyya movement,
whose
overriding purpose is the preservation of the Muslim identity and the
Islamic faith
and moral order against the forces of unbelief. The characteristic actors
are
missionaries (du'ah) and the 'ulama.23
• Jihadi: the Islamic armed struggle (al-jihad), which exists in three main
variants:
internal (combating nominally Muslim regimes considered impious);
irredentist
(fighting to redeem land ruled by non-Muslims or under occupation); and
global
(combating the West). The characteristic actor is, of course, the fighter
(al-mujahid).
The interpretation of Jihad by Al Qaeda and its associates such as Jamaah
Islamiyah, makes
killing an obligation in the name of Allah.24 Through developing a state of
war between the
righteous Muslims, 'we', and the infidels in the West, 'them', all civilians
in the West are
subject to attack.25 They see the international actors as the enemies, which
are opponents in a
war, and consequently are outspoken and justifiable targets.26 By waging a
war against the 'far
enemy', with maximum damage to these, they seek to reach maximum popularity
among the
Muslim masses27.
23 An interview with Tal'at Fuad Qosim by Hasyim Mubarok in Beinin Joel and
Stork Joe, Political Islam
p.37. Tal'at said: "Religion requires not just personal 'conversion'. We
began by spreading our message
but our goal has been the establishment of Islamic state".
24 Bin Laden Osama, "Jihad Against Jews and Crusaders", p. 412
25 Wiktorowicz, "A Genealogy of Radical Islam", p. 94
26 Kepel, "The War for Muslim Minds", p. 123
27 Ibid
7
The description given by Gilles Kepel that "Al Qaeda has become a franchise,
with Bin
Laden merely the logo for small-time operations managed by independent
microentrepreneurs
working under license to provide terrorism"28, is largely agreed upon among
students of al Qaeda, whereas Osama Bin Laden (OBL) and Ayman al Zawahiri
provide the
extreme ideology for the true believers and the vanguard of the greater
Islamic revolution.
Looking at that characteristic posed by Al Qaeda and associates, therefore,
the author
concludes that Jamaah Islamiyah is part of global Salafi jihad that has been
defined by Marc
Sageman as "a worldwide religious revivalist movement with the goal of
re-establishing past
Muslim glory in a great Islamic states stretching from Morocco to the
Philippines,
eliminating present national boundaries"29
Jihadist movement in Indonesia
Indonesia is still in process of transition. Islam, as a moral force in
support of reform, has
played a strong and positive role, although it must also be said that there
have been times
when Muslim militants and extremists loomed as part of the problems
Indonesia grappling
with. These people have been using 'jihad' as a way to appeal the support
from Indonesian
Moslems who feel alienated in the process of democratization.
Joining jihad is actually a process and not a single decision. The formal
induction into Al
Qaeda often took place in Afghanistan, when the novice pledged baya, a
formal oath of
loyalty, to Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda30. 'Joining the jihad" is
understood here as the
decision to go somewhere for training, whether Afghanistan (the most common
destination),
28 Kepel, The War for Muslim Minds – Islam and the West, p. 141
29 Sageman, Marc, "Understanding Terror Networks" (University of
Pennsylvania Press; 2004) p1
30 Ibid 91
8
Bosnia, the Philippine, Malaysia or Indonesia31. It is important to note
that everyone who
participated in the training joined the jihad.
In this section, the author explains about social factors people joining
jihad which according
to the author are complex interrelation among the existing resistance
movement of Darul
Islam, the place of recruitment (conflicts areas), kinship, discipleship and
distribution of
militant books that could lead people to join jihad, forged the partnerships
and rejuvenate
the group.
Darul Islam: the spawning ground for 'joining the jihad'
To understanding of jihadi movement in Indonesia, we have to understand the
existing
religious resistance movement called Darul Islam (DI) and its efforts to
establish the Islamic
State of Indonesia. Over the last 55 years, that movement has produced
splinters and
offshoots that range from Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) to non-violent religious
groups. Greg Fealy
points out that "former Darul Islam areas have proven a rich source of new
members for JI
and are likely to remain so in the future"32. Every time the older
generation seems on the
verge of passing into irrelevance, a new generation of young militants,
inspired by Darul
Islam's history and the mystique of an Islamic state, emerges to give the
movement a new
lease on life.33 The Darul Islam movement that began as separate rebellions
in West Java,
31 Ibid 92
32 Fealy, Greg, "Islamic Radicalims", pp. 111-112
33 Author's interview with Tajul Arifin. Arifin is one of young Darul Islam
members who disappointed
with their old leader within the organization. He tried to assassin
Indonesian politician. He served in jail for
five years. An interview was conducted after his release on July 2005.
9
South Sulawesi, and Aceh in the 1950s is now one very loose but enduring web
of personal
contacts that extends to most of the major islands in Indonesia.34
Over the years, younger, more militant members of Darul Islam have formed
new groups, of
which JI is one. The common Darul Islam heritage is so powerful a bond that
it facilitates
contacts and communication across the entire extended family. These people
know and visit
each other, go to school together, intermarry, and keep in touch across
generations. They also
feud, bicker, and not infrequently, inform on each other. But the network
endures, even as its
component parts are constantly changing35.
Within days of the explosion, Indonesian police determined that two known
Malaysian JI
members, Azhari Husin and Noordin Mohammed Top, were involved36. But it
became
apparent that they were working in partnership with an offshoot of Darul
Islam called the
Banten Ring, operating in old Darul Islam strongholds in western Java. Three
of the young
men recruited as suicide bombers from the Banten Ring, including one who
died in the
September bombing, had fathers in Darul Islam.37
Place of recruitment
All senior members of the central command of Jamaah Islamiyah come from
Darul Islam. The
Indonesian had joined the global jihad in Malaysia, where the eventual
leadership of Jamaah
Islamiyah (JI) has been exiled. They were trained in Afghanistan in the late
1980s and early
34 Author's interview with Gaos Taufiq, Darul Islam leader, on July 2005 in
North Sumatra, Indonesia. He
is among the first generations of Darul Islam who still alive. He is in his
late 60ies.
35 Author's interview with Fauzi Islam, former member of Darul Islam. He was
involved in rebellion in
Sumatra in late 80ies. He served 10 years in jail. He is free now.
36 Alan Sipress and Noor Huda Ismail, '3 Fugitives Muslim Militants
Suspected in Jakarta Attack,' The
Washington Post, September 11, 2004.
37 Author's interview with the father of suicide bomber who is Darul Islam
member in West Java July,
2005
10
1990s, before Jama'ah Islamiyah formally existed. It was in the camps of the
Saudi-financed
Afghan mujahidin leader Abdul Rasul Sayyaf that they developed jihadist
fervor,
international contacts, and deadly skills.38
Afghanistan veterans became the trainers of a new generation of mujahidin
when Jamaah
Islamiyah set up a camp in Mindanao from 1996 to 2000 in a reciprocal
arrangement with the
Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).39 The recruits trained in everything
from explosives
to sharp-shooting and included not only JI members but also members of
like-minded
jihadist organisations from other parts of Indonesia, especially South
Sulawesi and West
Java. This means that Indonesia has to worry about other organizations as
well, whose
members have equally lethal skills but do not operate under the JI command
structure
In Maluku and Poso are the worst communal conflicts of the immediate
post-Soeharto
period. Soeharto was the Indonesia president who stepped down by force in
1998. Since
then, Indonesia was in fragile situation where many religious conflicts
between Islam and
Christian community erupted. For Jihadists, the conflicts were seen as the
best place to put
into practice their military skills as well as to draw many regular Moslems
to actually join the
jihad. Maluku and Poso, but particularly Poso, have the potential to develop
into a qoidah
aminah, a secure area where residents can live by Islamic principles and
apply Islamic law: in
their view, such a base could then serve as the building block of an Islamic
state. Maluku and
Poso thus remain a focus for religious outreach and recruitment
efforts.40For example, In
September 2002, the State Intelligence Agency uncovered a cache of damning
videotapes
38 Author's interview with a Malaysian Nasir Abbas, the head of Jama'ah
Islamiyah command for Malaysia
in July 2005 in Jakarta. Abbas was arrested for two years for possessing gun
and false document. He was
trained and fought in Afghan in 1989.
39 Author's interview with Muhammad Syaefudin on July 2003 in Jakarta
Prison. Syaefudin participated
Jamaah Islamiyah's training in Moro in early 2000.
40 Author's interview with a number of people who involved in that communal
conflict in 2004 and 2005
11
made by a Saudi-German extremist named Seyam Reda. One of the clips showed
sermonizing Arabs spreading messages of hate and intolerance to rapt
audiences in Sulawesi
and Kalimantan. Another, dated Dec. 1, 2001, was of an Islamic prayer
session in Central
Sulawesi, during which weapons were distributed to militants as well as
al-Qaeda member
Umar Farouq. Yet another, filmed a few hours later, showed the militants
pillaging and
plundering on the outskirts of Poso41.
Kinship
The Jamaah Islamiyah network is held together not just by ideology and
training but also by an
intricate network of marriages that at times makes it seems like a giant
extended family. For
example, Ali Ghufron, one of key operatives in the first Bali bombing, is
married with the
younger sister of Nassir bin Abbas, the head of Jamaah Islamiyah commander
for Malaysia.
Two of Ali Ghufron's brothers: Ali Imron and Amrozi were deeply involved in
Bali
bombing. Ali Fauzi, one of Bali bombers who still at large, is Ali Ghufron's
half brother42.
Kinship bonds also extended to in-laws. Yazid Suffat became more religious
thorough his
wife's urging. He studied with senior members of Jama'ah Islamiyah, ended up
joining that
organization and was the host of the Kuala Lumpur al Qaeda conference
leading to Cole
bombing and the 9/11 operation.43 Haris Fadillah, a Moslem militia leader,
arranged the
marriage of his daughter, Mira Agustina, to Omar al-Faruq, an al Qaeda
representative in
Southeast Asia, in one day44. Insufficient attention has been paid to the
role the women of
Jamaah Islamiyah play in cementing the network. In many cases, senior JI
leaders arranged the
41 Hendropriono, A.M, Enlisting Cleric is not enough, The Jakarta Post,
December 5, 2005
42 Author's interview with Ali Imron in Jakarta prison, July 2005
43 Ibid 112
44 Author's interview with Mira Agustina in her house in West Java in 2003
12
marriages of their subordinates to their own sisters or sisters-in-law to
keep the network
secure.
Discipleship
According to Marc Sageman, The Southeast Asian cluster is unique45. He
argues that in
Southeast Asia, teachers command strong personal loyalty from their
students. This loyalty
may be life long, as illustrated by the three Jamaah Islamiyah convicts
incarcerated in
Singapore, who testified against their former teacher Abu Bakar Ba'asyir in
June 2003.
Despite their damning testimony, two spontaneously started to cry at the
sight of their
teacher. They repeated that they loved him but urged him to tell the truth
about his
activities46.
Jamaah Islamiyah also depends on a small circle of pesantrens – Muslim
boarding schools – to
propagate jihadist teachings47. Of the more than 14,000 such schools in
Indonesia, only a
tiny number are committed to jihadist principles, but there is a kind of JI
"Ivy League" to
which JI members send their own children48. Chief among these is Pesantren
al-Mukmin,
better known as Pondok Ngruki, whose founder, Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, is
believed to have
been JI's amir or top leader between late 1999 and 2002. Most members of the
network share
common characteristics: loyalty to pesantren or its founders; commitment to
carrying on the
struggle of Darul Islam rebellions of the 1950s; desire to create an Islamic
state by first
establishing an Islamic community or jemaah islamiyah, and shared
experiences of political
detention in the 1980s. The other pesantren is 'Al Islam' in East Java. Ali
Imron, one of key
45 Ibid 114
46 Author was present in that court in June 2003.
47 Ismail, Noor Huda, 'Is Ngruki a school of terrorism?' The Jakarta Post
2004
48 Jemaah Islamiyah in Southeast Asia: Damaged But Still Dangerous
(Jakarta/Brussels; International
Crisis Group Asia Report No. 36, 26 August 2003).p26.
13
Bali bomber was a teacher in that pesantren. While pesantren Darus Sya'adah
in Central Java has
been linked to some of the al-Ghuraba militants, arrested in Pakistan in
2003 and at least one
of the October 2005 Bali bombers. Also, at least one pesantren, called Al
Iman in Poso,
Central Sulawesi, has raised eyebrows for its incendiary teachings.49
The distribution of militant books
In 2003, the field commander of the first Bali blast, Imam Samudra released
a 280 page
jailhouse autobiography titled "Me against the Terrorist" contains harsh
justifications for
Bali attacks.50 The book has been received highly response among militants
and could inspire
them. Achmand Michdan, Samudra's attorney who wrote the forward said that
thousand
copies have been issued in at least seven cities across island of Java and
Sumatra. Michdan
said that the publisher is considering translating the book into English,
French and Arabic51.
Samudra's ideas can be traced back to the Egyptian radical Muhammad al-Faraj
who was
executed by Cairo in 1982 for his role in the assassination of President
Anwar Sadat. Faraj's
pamphlet, the Neglected Obligation, was influenced by works of al Banna,
Maududi and
Qutb that brought their incipient absolutizing ideas to their ultimate
conclusion. Faraj
asserted that the "Qur'an and Hadist were fundamentally warfare". He also
said that not just
infidels but even Muslims who deviated from the moral and social dictates of
shariah were
49 Author visited this pesantren in 2005
50 This year, Nasir Abbas, a reformed Jamaah Islamiyah member told the
author that one of the
Kuningan bombers was inspired by Samudra's book to join 'the Jihad'. On last
August 2005 in
Ambon police detention, Asep Djaja (31), one of KOMPAK members who were
involved in the
police attack in Seram Island expressed the same thing to the author.
51 Author's interview with Achmad Mihdan in 2003
14
legitimate targets for jihad"52.While on Samudra's global awareness such as
his word:
"Remember, the main duty of Muslims is Jihad in the name of God, to raise
arms against the
infidels, especially now the United States and its allies" had been inspired
by the teaching of
charismatic Palestinian Abdullah Azzam, a key mentor of Osama bin Laden.
Azam met the
family of Qutb and was friendly with the "blind sheikh" Omar Abdur Rahman
who would
later be implicated in the 1993 World Trade Center bombing in New York.
Conclusion
The prevailing assumption has been that Jamaah Islamiyah is the only
organization with the
expertise, international ties, and ideology to constitute a likely partner
in South East Asia for
al-Qaeda or another international terrorist group. Interviews in the field
indicate that this
risk analysis of radical Muslim violence in Indonesia needs to be revised.
Jama'ah Islamiyah,
however, will continue to constitute a longer-term security threat for
Indonesia. This is not
only because its leaders believe that military force is necessary to achieve
an Islamic state, but
also because the religious indoctrination and recruitment efforts they are
engaged in are
likely to produce at least some cadres more hot-headed than their teachers,
who look beyond
Indonesia to a more international agenda. The arrest or the killing of the
top leader of the
group does not translate into the end of the group. Therefore, it is
important to target midlevel
terrorist leaders, discrediting top-level leaders and disrupting their
support networks.
At the same time, it is increasingly clear that there are many smaller,
local groups in
Indonesia, some of whose members have Afghan or Mindanao training, whose
deep-seated
grievances could lead them to draw inspiration from the bin-Laden fatwa. It
is, of course,
52 Juergensmayer, Mark, Terror in the Mind of God: Global Rise of Religion
Violence ( Berkeley and Los
Angeles: University of California Press, 2000), p.81
one thing to draw inspiration and another to work with a group like al-Qaeda
to pull off a
major attack. It remains important to keep the threat of terrorism in
perspective. Indonesia
is not about to be overrun with jihadists. They remain the radical fringe of
a radical fringe.
Their capacity to do damage, however, continues to be cause for serious
concern.
The counter-terrorism lessons include:
• Far more attention needs to be paid to understanding recruitment methods
of
jihadist organisations, not just JI but also local groups with more
parochial concerns.
• More attention also needs to be given to the religious indoctrination
these groups
undertake, including books published by jihadists. While understanding that
the same
material taught by different teachers can lead in very different directions.
• Top priority should be to prevent the emergence of the kind of
international training
center that Afghanistan provided in the past. The personal bonds established
there
are almost certainly more important than ideology or money in facilitating
partnerships among jihadist groups.
• Democratic reforms, especially an impartial, credible legal system, a
neutral and
competent law enforcement agency, and better access to justice, remain
absolutely
essential to preventing the kind of vigilantism that radical groups can
manipulate.


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