Dari milis Pantau:
Rio
=====================
Temuan menarik dari Robert Pape, Profesor politik dari
Universitas Chicago. Ia mengumpulkan data latar
belakang dari lebih 460 pembom bunuh diri. Dari 41
orang yang meledakkan diri di Libanon, hanya delapan
yang punya keterkaitan dengan gerakan Islam
fundamentalis, 27 orang justru menganut ideologi kiri
bahkan tiga sisanya adalah orang Kristen.

Pape sampai pada kesimpulan bahwa bom bunuh diri lebih
terkait pada upaya memerdekakan tanah kelahiran dari
penjajah, ketimbang keterkaitan ideologis pada Islam.

"What nearly all suicide terrorist campaigns have in
common is a specific secular and strategic goal: to
compel democracies to withdraw military forces from
territory that the terrorists consider to be their
homeland," tulis Pape, "Religion is rarely the root
cause, although it is often used as a tool by
terrorist organisations in recruiting and in other
efforts in service of the broader strategic objective.
Most often, it is a response to foreign occupation."

Dengan demikian, kesimpulan bahwa aksi bunuh diri bisa
diberantas dengan kekuatan militer menjadi salah
besar. "Spreading democracy across the Persian Gulf is
not likely to be a panacea as long as foreign troops
remain on the Arabian peninsula," kata Pape lagi,
"Israel must take the initiative. Unless it calls off
the offensive and accepts a genuine ceasefire, there
are likely to be many, many dead Israelis in the
coming weeks - and a much stronger Hizbollah."

Dalam konteks Indonesia, aksi-aksi bunuh diri ini
mengingatkan kita pada bagaimana nenek moyang kita
memperjuangkan kemerdekaan negeri ini, mulai dari
tradisi puputan di Bali hingga sloga 'Merdeka atau
Mati' yang dulu dikumandangkan dimana-mana. Andaikan
media massa pada abad 18 sampai 1950 sudah semaju
sekarang, boleh jadi Indonesia akan dijuluki negeri
teroris karena anak negerinya membunuhi orang-orang
Belanda, Inggris dan Jepang. Boleh jadi embel-embel
teroris Muslim juga akan melekat, karena sebagian
besar pejuang (atau teroris dari sudut pandang
kolonialis) Indonesia beragama Islam --walaupun
mungkin hanya sedikit yang sungguh-sungguh
melaksanakan aturan Islam sepenuhnya. 

Wassalam
-- 
Tomi Satryatomo
http://www.trekearth.com/members/wisat
http://wisat.multiply.com

"We shall build good ship here,
at a profit if we can,
at a loss if we must,
but... always a good ship."

What we still don't understand about Hizbollah

This week, world terrorism expert Robert Pape will
share with the FBI the findings of his remarkable
study of 462 suicide bombings. He concludes that such
acts have little to do with religious extremism and
that the West must engage politically to halt the
relentless slaughter

Sunday August 6, 2006
The Observer

Israel has finally conceded that air power alone will
not defeat Hizbollah. Over the coming weeks, it will
learn that ground power won't work either. The problem
is not that the Israelis have insufficient military
might, but that they misunderstand the nature of the
enemy.

In terms of structure and hierarchy, it is less
comparable with, say, a religious cult such as the
Taliban than to the multi-dimensional American civil
rights movement of the 1960s. What made its rise so
rapid, and will make it impossible to defeat
militarily, was not its international support but the
fact that it evolved from a reorientation of
pre-existing Lebanese social groups.

Evidence of the broad nature of Hizbollah's resistance
to Israeli occupation can be seen in the identity of
its suicide attackers. Hizbollah conducted a broad
campaign of suicide bombings against American, French
and Israeli targets from 1982 to 1986. Altogether,
these attacks, which included the infamous bombing of
the marine barracks in Beirut in 1983, involved 41
suicide terrorists.

Researching my book, which covered all 462 suicide
bombings around the globe, I had colleagues scour
Lebanese sources to collect martyr videos, pictures
and testimonials and biographies of the Hizbollah
bombers. Of the 41, we identified the names, birth
places and other personal data for 38. We were shocked
to find that only eight were Islamic fundamentalists;
27 were from leftist political groups such as the
Lebanese Communist Party and the Arab Socialist Union;
three were Christians, including a female secondary
school teacher with a college degree. All were born in
Lebanon.

What these suicide attackers - and their heirs today -
shared was not a religious or political ideology but
simply a commitment to resisting a foreign occupation.
Nearly two decades of Israeli military presence did
not root out Hizbollah. The only thing that has proven
to end suicide attacks, in Lebanon and elsewhere, is
withdrawal by the occupying force.

Previous analyses of suicide terrorism have not had
the benefit of a complete survey of all suicide
terrorist attacks worldwide. The lack of complete
data, together with the fact that many such attacks,
including all those against Americans, have been
committed by Muslims, has led many in the US to assume
that Islamic fundamentalism must be the underlying
main cause. This, in turn, has fuelled a belief that
anti-American terrorism can be stopped only by
wholesale transformation of Muslim societies, which
helped create public support of the invasion of Iraq.
But study of the phenomenon of suicide terrorism shows
that the presumed connection to Islamic fundamentalism
is misleading.

There is not the close connection between suicide
terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism that many people
think. Rather, what nearly all suicide terrorist
campaigns have in common is a specific secular and
strategic goal: to compel democracies to withdraw
military forces from territory that the terrorists
consider to be their homeland.

Religion is rarely the root cause, although it is
often used as a tool by terrorist organisations in
recruiting and in other efforts in service of the
broader strategic objective. Most often, it is a
response to foreign occupation.

Understanding that suicide terrorism is not a product
of Islamic fundamentalism has important implications
for how the US and its allies should conduct the war
on terrorism. Spreading democracy across the Persian
Gulf is not likely to be a panacea as long as foreign
troops remain on the Arabian peninsula. The obvious
solution might well be simply to abandon the region
altogether. Isolationism, however, is not possible;
America needs a new strategy that pursues its vital
interest in oil but does not stimulate the rise of a
new generation of suicide terrorists. The same is true
of Israel now.

The new Israeli land offensive may take ground and
destroy weapons, but it has little chance of
destroying Hizbollah. In fact, in the wake of the
bombings of civilians, the incursion will probably aid
Hizbollah's recruiting.

Equally important, Israel's incursion is also
squandering the goodwill it had initially earned from
so-called moderate Arab states such as Egypt and Saudi
Arabia. The countries are the court of opinion that
matters because, while Israel cannot crush Hizbollah,
it could achieve a more limited goal: ending
Hizbollah's acquisition of more missiles through
Syria.

Given Syria's total control of its border with
Lebanon, stemming the flow of weapons is a job for
diplomacy, not force. Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Jordan,
Sunni-led nations that want stability in the region,
are motivated to stop the rise of Hizbollah. Under the
right conditions, the US might be able to help
assemble an ad hoc coalition of Syria's neighbours to
entice and bully it to prevent Iranian, Chinese or
other foreign missiles from entering Lebanon. It could
also offer to begin talks over the future of the Golan
Heights.

But Israel must take the initiative. Unless it calls
off the offensive and accepts a genuine ceasefire,
there are likely to be many, many dead Israelis in the
coming weeks - and a much stronger Hizbollah.

· Robert Pape is professor of political studies at the
University of Chicago. His book, Dying to Win: Why
Suicide Terrorists Do It, will be published in the UK
by Gibson Square this month, £18.99 
 


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