Economic Growth’s Many Recipes
Dani Rodrik
 
CAMBRIDGE, MA.—Development “big think” has always been dominated by 
comprehensive visions about transforming poor societies. From the so-called 
“Big Push” to “Balanced Growth,” from the “Washington Consensus” to “Second 
Generation Reforms,” the emphasis has been on wholesale change. 
Today’s fashion in development is no different. The prevailing obsession with 
the “governance” agenda entails a broad-based effort to remold institutions in 
developing societies as a prerequisite for economic growth. The United Nations 
Millennium Project involves a large-scale, coordinated big push of investment 
in human capital, public infrastructure, and agricultural technologies. 
But there have also been iconoclastic dissenters from such comprehensive 
approaches, among whom Albert Hirschman was without doubt the most 
distinguished. Indeed, Hirschman’s seminal contributions have now been 
recognized by the United States Social Science Research Council, which this 
year established a prize in his honor. 
Hirschman’s interests shifted away from economic development over the course of 
his illustrious career. But when he was still involved in development debates, 
he would frequently remind his contemporaries that any country that had the 
capacity to undertake comprehensive programs would not be underdeveloped to 
begin with. 
Indeed, he once chided John Kenneth Galbraith for enunciating a long list of 
prerequisites for foreign aid to be effective. If developing countries could 
meet these conditions, he wrote, they would be in a position to send foreign 
aid to the United States! 
Hirschman believed that the possibilities for economic development are not 
nearly as constrained as comprehensive theories would lead us to believe. The 
imbalances specific to underdevelopment create opportunities that policymakers 
can seize on. Instead of relying on fads emanating from abroad, we need to 
experiment and look for the unique solutions that will allow us to circumvent 
ingrained social structures that inhibit growth. 
Hirschman’s central insights on development have held up extremely well. The 
key lesson of the last half-century is that policymakers must be strategic, 
rather than comprehensive. They have to do the best with what they have instead 
of wishing they could transform their society wholesale. They need to identify 
priorities and opportunities, and work on them. They must seek sequential, 
cumulative change rather than a single, all-inclusive breakthrough. 
Successful countries do share some common features. They all provide some 
degree of effective property rights protection and contract enforcement, 
maintain macroeconomic stability, seek to integrate into the world economy, and 
ensure an appropriate environment for productive diversification and 
innovation. 
But how these ends are achieved differs. For example, greater integration with 
world markets can be achieved via export subsidies (South Korea), 
export-processing zones (Malaysia), investment incentives for multinational 
enterprises (Singapore), special economic zones (China), regional free trade 
agreements (Mexico), or import liberalization (Chile). 
The best-designed policies are always contingent on local conditions, making 
use of pre-existing advantages and seeking to overcome domestic constraints. 
That is why successful reforms often do not travel well. Reforms, after all, 
are not hothouse plants that can be transplanted at will in any soil. 
Moreover, generating economic growth requires hitting the right targets, not 
doing everything at once. What matters at any point in time is to alleviate a 
society’s immediate binding constraints – another reason why different policies 
are needed for different places. China was constrained by poor supply 
incentives in agriculture in the late 1970’s. Today’s Brazil is constrained by 
inadequate supply of credit. El Salvador is constrained by inadequate 
production incentives in tradable goods. Zimbabwe is constrained by poor 
governance. 
These problems all require different methods for unlocking growth. What we need 
is selective, well-targeted reforms, not a laundry list. 
Countries run into trouble when they do not use high-growth periods to 
strengthen their institutional underpinnings. Two kinds of institutions in 
particular need shoring up: conflict management institutions to enhance 
economies’ resilience to external shocks, and institutions that promote 
productive diversification. Growth collapsed in Africa in the late 1970’s 
because of the weakness of the former, and fizzled in Latin America after the 
first half of the 1990’s because of the weakness of the latter. 
This line of thinking has vast implications for the design of appropriate 
global economic arrangements. Hirschman would be aghast at the extent of 
intrusion into domestic policymaking that the World Trade Organization or the 
International Monetary Fund engage in nowadays. As international bureaucracies 
with a penchant for “best practices” and common standards, these institutions 
are woefully unsuited to the task of seeking innovative, unique pathways suited 
to each country’s particular circumstances. 
But Hirschman also would no doubt chide developing country governments for not 
living up to their responsibilities and for passing on the buck so freely to 
these external agencies. For, ultimately, it is up to each country to say, 
“Thanks, but no, thanks; we’ll do it our way.” 
Many economists were skeptical about Hirschman’s approach because they could 
not quite fit it into the economics they had been trained to practice. But, 
over the years, economics has become richer, too. Dynamic models have become 
much more common, an economics of the “second-best” has flourished, political 
economy has become mainstream, and behavioral economics has thrown the 
“rational actor” into doubt. As a result, Hirschman looks less and less the 
maverick that he fancied himself to be. Conventional wisdom may finally be 
catching up with him. 
** Dani Rodrik, Professor of Political Economy at Harvard University’s John F. 
Kennedy School of Government, is the first recipient of the Social Science 
Research Council’s Albert O. Hirschman Prize. His latest book is One Economics, 
Many Recipes: Globalization, Institutions, and Economic Growth. 
Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2007. 
http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/rodrik16


      
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