The Dilemma That Is Gaza 
By Morgan Strong 
December 27, 2008 (Originally published December 15, 2008) 
Editor's Note: The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has returned to the news, as
Israeli warplanes blasted away Saturday at security compounds in Hamas-ruled
Gaza, killing at least 155 and wounding more than 310, according to news
accounts. The Israelis said they were retaliating against rocket fire from
the Gaza Strip.
Given this new crisis, we are republishing a first-person account by former
"60 Minutes" consultant Morgan Strong about the tragedy that is Gaza:
Gaza was and is an anomaly, a piece of land left over from the calamity of
history, created it seems in a moment of distraction.
It was once Egyptian, then Ottoman, then British, then Israeli, now
Palestinian. In truth no one quite knows what to do with - or what to do
about - Gaza.
The Palestine Liberation Organization governed Gaza most recently, but did
nothing to ease the burden of the wretched existence of Gaza's 1.4 million
people.
Arafat built a splendid headquarter in Gaza and an airport. He had a little
house on the beach as well. The house was a modest unpretentious one-story
bungalow. He wanted to show the people of Gaza that he was quite as ordinary
as they.
However, Arafat's successor, Mahmoud Abbas, felt no need for such modesty.
He built a gigantic multi-story holiday house on the beach, with a grand
view of the sea. If you looked behind you, from his wrap-around balcony, you
could gaze on the squalor of the refugee camps beneath you that make up much
of Gaza. 
The people of Gaza live in deplorable conditions for the most part,
rudimentary shacks of plywood covered with a tin roof. There are no
amenities in their homes, not so much as indoor plumbing. They rely almost
entirely on the United Nations for their most basic needs. 
There is no industry in Gaza, no economy, few jobs and little hope.
Altogether there is precious little to sustain the people who are
unfortunate enough to find themselves imprisoned there.
Many arrived as refugees, coming by the thousands, driven by wars to the
uncertain safety of this little strip of land by the sea. They did not
escape the wars for long, but they could run no farther because the sea and
an unfriendly Egypt were at their backs. 
The people of Gaza are surrounded by the Israeli Army on three sides, with
that army denying them - at its whim - the most elemental necessities for
their primitive existence.
Israel, through an agreement with the Palestine Authority, controls
everything beyond Gaza's fenced-in world, making the people of Gaza
completely hostage to Israel.
And Israel is now making their precarious existence unbearable. They are
deliberately starving them, among other injustice and outrages. What Israel
is doing might be called genocide, but there is great reluctance to name
Israel as the perpetrator of genocide.
Israel does not want Gaza to exist as it is. Israel cannot afford to allow
Gaza to exist. It must remove the population from Gaza, by whatever means it
can and occupy that territory.
And the Palestinian Authority will do nothing to stop this. The Palestinian
Authority after years of corrupt management of Gaza lost its right to govern
the place to the radical Islamic fundamentalist Hamas movement.
The Palestinian Authority, the Israelis or the United States will not permit
Hamas to exercise power in Gaza, since Gaza is a serious threat to each if
it remains under the control of Hamas. And Hamas is not going away. 
When the Palestine Authority governed Gaza in the heady days immediately
following the Oslo accords, traffic to and from the strip was largely
un-impeded by the Israelis. Arafat used to fly in one of his helicopters in
and out of his brand new airport. And Palestine Airlines made scheduled
flights to Egypt and Jordan daily.
But other things happened that created great alarm to the Israelis. For one,
Gaza became the hub of a stolen-car industry. High-priced automobiles were
stolen in Israel and sold, or chopped up for parts, in Gaza. 
And there was more. Drugs were being smuggled in from Egypt and elsewhere in
the Middle East through tunnel's dug from Gaza to the Sinai. 
Israel had, and has, a drug problem among its population though we do not
hear much about that in the United States. The Palestine Authority thugs
frequently exchanged drugs in return for weapons with the Israeli soldiers
who guarded them.
Gaza was a smugglers paradise, and there was no law, or agency of the law,
to intrude. In truth, the police and other law-enforcement agencies often
were complicit.
I had visited Arafat on more than one occasion in Gaza during the brief
honeymoon the Palestinians enjoyed with the Israelis. Entry into and out of
Gaza was at first almost alarmingly easy.
I together with a member of Arafat's staff would simply drive through the
Israeli checkpoint at the border with no obstruction by the Israeli border
guards. A wave of the hand from a soldier, and we went from Israel to
Palestine in a flash.
A few years later, I had dinner with Arafat at his headquarters on the beach
a short distance from his modest cottage, largely un-used little house. The
headquarters building was several stories high, and encompassed at least two
city blocks. So much for modesty.
We sat at a grand table in a room in the massive building, which provided a
great view of the sea. He was grim and troubled at dinner. He told me in
exasperation that there was an Israeli gunboat just over the horizon which
would on occasion lob a shell onto the beach immediately in front of the
building. 
The Israelis were simply harassing Arafat, showing him who was boss. And he
did not like that a bit. But in reality it was his fault. He did not govern
Gaza, he simply let the thugs take command, and that was the beginning of
the end for Gaza and its people. 
Gaza went from bad to worse. Hamas promising reform, and a return to a
normal society free from the intimidation of Palestinian Authority thugs,
became the de facto governing entity.
Hamas rule turned out to be a mixed blessing. They did not stop the drug
smuggling or the car theft. They just took the profits. Smuggling drugs into
Israel to create more addicts was a form of warfare for them, and besides
they made a nice buck doing it. The same was true of the car theft. And
there were sundry other illegal activities they had their hands into. 
And it was no longer easy to enter or leave Gaza. My later visits to see
Arafat entailed far more difficulty. I could no longer just be driven in. I
had to pass through a series of border checks, and once cleared, I was
required to walk a few hundred yards from the Israeli border across an open
no-mans land to Palestinian Gaza. 
The Israelis have succeeded, to a degree, in stopping the drug smuggling,
but not entirely. The stolen-car business was stopped entirely however. 
When Hamas began to fire rockets into Israel that ended any pretense on the
Israelis' part that they would allow the entity of Gaza to remain as it was.
Gaza was just too much trouble no matter how it was dealt with.
So Israel has closed it tight, very tight, without any regard to the
consequences to the population, most of whom are innocent of any crimes
against Israel. 
The poor, wretched people of Gaza are as much victims as they are marginally
responsible for their own difficulties. Perhaps it is apathy, perhaps it is
because self-governance is so alien a concept, but they suffer manifold
indignity and terrible hardship by just being in the middle.
How they are able to extricate themselves now is a rather pressing question,
but their lives truly depend on it. 
http://www.consortiumnews.com/2008/122708a.html

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