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12:40 August 13th, 2009
Who is funding the Afghan Taliban? You don’t want to know

Posted by: GlobalPost

The article by Jean MacKenzie originally appeared in GlobalPost. This is
part of a special series by GlobalPost called Life, Death and The Taliban.
Click here for a related article Funding the Pakistani Taliban.
KABUL — It is the open secret no one wants to talk about, the unwelcome
truth that most prefer to hide. In Afghanistan, one of the richest sources
of Taliban funding is the foreign assistance coming into the country.
Virtually every major project includes a healthy cut for the insurgents.
Call it protection money, call it extortion, or, as the Taliban themselves
prefer to term it, “spoils of war,” the fact remains that international
donors, primarily the United States, are to a large extent financing their
own enemy.
“Everyone knows this is going on,” said one U.S. Embassy official, speaking
privately.
It is almost impossible to determine how much the insurgents are spending,
making it difficult to pinpoint the sources of the funds.
Mullah Abdul Salaam Zaeef, former Taliban minister to Pakistan, was perhaps
more than a bit disingenuous when he told GlobalPost that the militants were
operating mostly on air.
“The Taliban does not have many expenses,” he said, smiling slightly. “They
are barefoot and hungry, with no roof over their heads and a stone for their
pillow.” As for weapons, he just shrugged. “Afghanistan is full of guns,” he
said. “We have enough guns for years.”
The reality is quite different, of course. The militants recruit local
fighters by paying for their services. They move about in their traditional
4×4s, they have to feed their troops, pay for transportation and medical
treatment for the wounded, and, of course, they have to buy rockets,
grenades and their beloved Kalashnikovs.
Up until quite recently, most experts thought that drug money accounted for
the bulk of Taliban funding. But even here opinion was divided on actual
amounts. Some reports gauged the total annual income at about $100 million,
while others placed the figure as high as $300 million — still a small
fraction of the $4 billion poppy industry.
Now administration officials have launched a search for Taliban sponsors.
Richard Holbrooke, U.S. special envoy for Afghanistan and Pakistan, told a
press conference in Islamabad last month that drugs accounted for less of a
share of Taliban coffers than was previously thought.
“In the past there was a kind of feeling that the money all came from drugs
in Afghanistan,” said Holbrooke, according to media reports. “That is simply
not true.”
The new feeling is that less than half of the Taliban’s war chest comes from
poppy, with a variety of sources, including private contributions from
Persian Gulf states, accounting for much of the rest. Holbrooke told
reporters that he would add a member of the Treasury Department to his staff
to pursue the question of Taliban funding.
But perhaps U.S. officials need look no further than their own backyard.
Anecdotal evidence is mounting that the Taliban are taking a hefty portion
of assistance money coming into Afghanistan from the outside.
This goes beyond mere protection money or extortion of “taxes” at the local
level — very high-level negotiations take place between the Taliban and
major contractors, according to sources close to the process.
A shadowy office in Kabul houses the Taliban contracts officer, who examines
proposals and negotiates with organizational hierarchies for a percentage.
He will not speak to, or even meet with, a journalist, but sources who have
spoken with him and who have seen documents say that the process is quite
professional.
The manager of an Afghan firm with lucrative construction contracts with the
U.S. government builds in a minimum of 20 percent for the Taliban in his
cost estimates. The manager, who will not speak openly, has told friends
privately that he makes in the neighborhood of $1 million per month. Out of
this, $200,000 is siphoned off for the insurgents.
If negotiations fall through, the project will come to harm — road workers
may be attacked or killed, bridges may be blown up, engineers may be
assassinated.
The degree of cooperation and coordination between the Taliban and aid
workers is surprising, and would most likely make funders extremely
uncomfortable.
One Afghan contractor, speaking privately, told friends of one project he
was overseeing in the volatile south. The province cannot be mentioned, nor
the particular project.
“I was building a bridge,” he said, one evening over drinks. “The local
Taliban commander called and said ‘don’t build a bridge there, we’ll have to
blow it up.’ I asked him to let me finish the bridge, collect the money —
then they could blow it up whenever they wanted. We agreed, and I completed
my project.”
In the south, no contract can be implemented without the Taliban taking a
cut, sometimes at various steps along the way.
One contractor in the southern province of Helmand was negotiating with a
local supplier for a large shipment of pipes. The pipes had to be brought in
from Pakistan, so the supplier tacked on about 30 percent extra for the
Taliban, to ensure that the pipes reached Lashkar Gah safely.
Once the pipes were given over to the contractor, he had to negotiate with
the Taliban again to get the pipes out to the project site. This was added
to the transportation costs.
“We assume that our people are paying off the Taliban,” said the foreign
contractor in charge of the project.
In Farah province, local officials report that the Taliban are taking up to
40 percent of the money coming in for the National Solidarity Program, one
of the country’s most successful community reconstruction projects, which
has dispensed hundreds of millions of dollars throughout the country over
the past six years.
Many Afghans see little wrong in the militants getting their fair share of
foreign assistance.
“This is international money,” said one young Kabul resident. “They are not
taking it from the people, they are taking it from their enemy.”
But in areas under Taliban control, the insurgents are extorting funds from
the people as well.
In war-ravaged Helmand, where much of the province has been under Taliban
control for the past two years, residents grumble about the tariffs.
“It’s a disaster,” said a 50-year-old resident of Marja district. “We have
to give them two kilos of poppy paste per jerib during the harvest; then we
have to give them ushr (an Islamic tax, amounting to one-tenth of the
harvest) from our wheat. Then they insisted on zakat (an Islamic tithe). Now
they have come up with something else: 12,000 Pakistani rupee (approximately
$150) per household. And they won’t take even one rupee less.”
It all adds up, of course. But all things are relative: if the Taliban are able 
to raise and spend say $1 billion per year — the outside limit of what anyone 
has been able to predict — that accounts for what the United States is now 
spending on 10 days of the war to defeat them.


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