http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2009\11\14\story_14-11-2009_pg3_5

CONTROVERSY: Crime in the name of conspiracy -Mehmal Sarfraz



 Conspiracy theory is the only industry in Pakistan that runs round the clock 
and the production quality as well as product variety are absolutely out of 
this world

Conspiracy theory is the only industry in Pakistan that runs round the clock 
and the production quality as well as product variety are absolutely out of 
this world. The whole school of conspiracy theory reflects a certain mindset, 
which comes up with half-baked stories based on little or no evidence.

Just like former US President George W Bush had his axis of evil, a lot of 
Pakistanis have their own axis of evil - India, Israel and the US. If anybody 
so much as sneezes in the land of the pure, any one of these three countries or 
all of them are behind it. This is exactly what Mr Ijazul Haq did in his two 
articles, 'A criminal conspiracy' and 'Punish the Bahawalpur conspirators' 
published in this newspaper on September 8 and 9, 2009.

He has not only blamed Pakistan's own 'axis of evil' but he has blamed everyone 
and his uncle for General Ziaul Haq's death: Russia, Afghanistan, Al-Zulfiqar, 
the Pakistani military and many others.

First, let us examine why the Russians may not be responsible for this 
misadventure. The Soviets had signed the Geneva Accords in Spring 1988 and were 
engaged in pulling out their troops from Afghanistan. That they were earnest in 
their commitment was borne out by their scrupulous adherence to the pullout 
schedule. It would have been nothing but an act of petulance on their part if 
they were involved in the plane crash. If it is ever proved that the Soviets 
were involved in this conspiracy, it would greatly affect their credibility. 
Further, what material evidence can Mr Haq or anyone for that matter adduce to 
substantiate his allegation? Blaming this on the Soviets takes us away from the 
real truth.

Al-Zulfiqar too had almost abandoned its operations after the murder of 
Shahnawaz Bhutto in 1985; so to lay the blame at its doorstep is too 
far-fetched. Al-Zulfiqar did not have any sympathisers in the Pakistani 
military and therefore it could not have pulled off such an enormous coup, the 
logistics as well as actual conduct of which would have required an outlay that 
was definitely beyond the resources of a hounded and battered outfit like 
Al-Zulfiqar. Again, the question remains what material evidence can Mr Ijazul 
Haq show to prove the complicity of Al-Zulfiqar in the crash at Bahawalpur? But 
then, empirical evidence probably is not what Mr Haq is after. It is fine to 
spout a few trite albeit patently flimsy statements as long as the same sit 
well with a heavily indoctrinated public.

Israel would not have gained much from Zia's death either. After the release of 
the much-touted book 'Charlie Wilson's War' by George Crile, it is no secret 
that Israel helped General Zia in the Afghan war. Had Zia remained alive, 
things might have improved between Israel and Pakistan, much to the chagrin of 
the Arabs and most Pakistanis, but since the General had no one to answer to, 
this could have been achieved. Even in General Musharraf's time, there were 
backdoor channels working on improving relations between Israel and Pakistan. 
It was the Lebanon war in 2006 that placed a few spanners in the wheels of 
these back-channel negotiations.

As for India, killing Zia and Pakistan's top military brass would have been an 
open invitation to war. Had India actually been involved, our military would 
have done everything to prove this to the world and launched a military 
offensive with international support. Further, Pak-India relations had been 
rather smooth under Zia as well as Musharraf. It is the political leadership 
that fails to deliver vis-à-vis relations with India because their 
decision-making space is severely limited. India would have relished Zia's 
longevity rather than cut the chord that held things in balance.

Mr Ijazul Haq has wagged a finger of suspicion at the Americans too for good 
measure, again without an iota of proof. Some people are of the view that after 
the end of the Cold War, the world wanted Pakistan to move forward, which meant 
getting rid of the military dictatorship and bringing in its place a genuine 
democratic government. It is also said in some quarters that Zia's pan-Islamic 
ambitions were not approved of by the US. Twenty years down the road, we 
Pakistanis know only too well how robust were the democratic governments in the 
decade that followed Zia's death. Further, Charlie and his aunt in Pakistan 
never get tired of blaming the US for abandoning the region after 1989 and thus 
allowing Islamic jihad to flourish. Strange that the Americans were so naïve as 
to kill Zia for the imaginary proliferation of jihad and not stir a finger 
while jihad descended from the mountains of Afghanistan till a brace of planes 
struck a pair of towers in New York.

When scrutinising the death of General Zia and the top military brass, with the 
exception of General Beg, one cannot stop wondering whether there was an 
internal motivation behind this. Who would benefit the most from the 
elimination of Zia and his entire coterie of military officers? Without local 
collaboration at the highest echelons of power, this could not have been pulled 
off. It has been rumoured that General Beg met with resistance from the Corps 
Commanders in Rawalpindi after Zia's death, but we have no evidence of this as 
General Beg completed his tenure without any problems.

The Shafiur Rahman Commission report on the plane crash has never been made 
public, like so many such sensitive reports in our history.

One would like to ask Ijazul Haq why he never tried to reopen his father's case 
when he was in power during Nawaz Sharif's time or during Musharraf's regime. 
Mr Haq is a former federal minister. He failed as a politician when he tried to 
follow in his father's footsteps by supporting jihadi elements. Chaudhry 
Shujaat is on record as saying that it was because of Ijazul Haq that Maulana 
Aziz of Lal Masjid was given a safe passage.

People of my generation are often called 'Zia's children' because we were born 
during General Ziaul Haq's era - the darkest period in the history of Pakistan. 
Military dictatorship is inherently bad for a country but General Zia proved to 
be a particularly rotten specimen of military dictator. In his article titled 
'Punish the Bahawalpur conspirators' (Daily Times, September 9, 2009), Ijazul 
Haq writes, "...he [Zia] was a benign dictator. He ruled not only Pakistanis 
but also their hearts and minds. He worked very hard for the betterment of his 
people."

On the contrary, General Ziaul Haq was undoubtedly one of the most hated men in 
Pakistan. He only ruled the 'hearts and minds' of those who wreaked havoc with 
the country's polity. When Mr Ijazul Haq wrote that "ever since his [Zia's] 
departure, the country has been in a constant state of crisis", he should have 
realised that Zia's legacy is haunting Pakistan and that is why the country has 
not been able to get out of the quagmire he left behind even though more than 
two decades have passed since he died. Pakistan is in this whole mess because 
of General Zia who stoked sectarianism in Pakistan; who persecuted the Ahmadis 
to the extent that there was a mass exodus of Ahmadis from Pakistan; who 
introduced the Blasphemy Law, which to date is misused against the religious 
minorities; who promulgated the Hudood Ordinance, an outright anti-women 
legislation. His myopic shot at piety led to the death of the political 
discourse, cultural diversity and economic potential of this country.

Mehmal Sarfraz is a freelance journalist and Joint Secretary South Asian Women 
in Media (SAWM). She can be reached at [email protected]



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