http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1130354.html
A Palestinian peace plan Israelis can live with
By Bradley Burston
Tags: Israel News, Ray Hanania
Click here for more articles by Bradley Burston
Ray Hanania is a compassionate and, in fact, delightful person, with rare
insight into the aspirations and failings of Palestinians and Israelis. In the
eyes of many, that alone ought to disqualify him from consideration as a leader
in the Holy Land.
Add to that, the fact that the acclaimed journalist also happens to be a
first-generation Palestinian-American married to a Jewish woman, as well as a
stand-up comedian who has appeared alongside Jewish comics, and the
self-destructively polarized electorate of the Holy Land will need to expend
not a whiff of thought in dismissing him out of hand.
Which all makes his candidacy for the president of Palestine, and the
Mideast peace proposal that is his platform, all the more compelling. He is
realistic about his chances ("No, I don't expect to win"). But the Hanania plan
embodies the radicalism of the truly moderate, and deserves much more than
cursory consideration.
Consider his proposal for one of the thorniest municipal quandaries in
the West Bank. Jews who wish to live in Hebron in a future state of Palestine,
should be allowed to do so, he writes, "and should be protected, just as
non-Jews. In fact, for every Jewish individual seeking to live in Palestine, a
Palestinian should be permitted to live in Israel."
What Hanania is proposing is a two state solution that addresses not only
quantifiable issues, but underlying emotional grievances, and the anguish in
the histories of both sides. Cynics, and, in particular, the extremists among
them, will reject it out of hand as simplistic and artificially balanced. But
if peace is ever to be made in the Holy Land, it will be made despite
extremists and not by them.
The following is the text of Hanania's outline. I have taken the liberty
of numbering the clauses, with an eye toward facilitating discussion:
1. I support two-states, one Israel and one Palestine. As far as I am
concerned, I can recognize Israel's "Jewish" character and Israelis should
recognize Palestine's "non-Jewish" character.
2. I oppose violence of any kind from and by anyone. I reject Hamas'
participation in any Palestinian government without first agreeing to surrender
all arms and to accept two-states as a "final" peace agreement. But I also
reject allowing Israeli settlers to carry any weapons and believe Israelis must
impose the same restrictions on them.
3. I can support some settlements remaining - given the reality of 42
years of time passing - in a dunam-for-dunam land exchange. If Ariel is 500
dunams with a lifeline from Israel, then Israel gives Palestine 500 dunams in
exchange.
4. Jerusalem should be a shared city and Palestinians should have an
official presence in East Jerusalem. The Old City should be shared by both
permitting open access to the city to all with a joint Palestinian-Israeli
police presence.
5. Palestinian refugees would give up their demand to return to pre-1948
homes and lands lost during the conflict with Israel. Instead, some could apply
for family reunification through Israel and the remainder would be compensated
through a fund created and maintained by the United States, Israel, Egypt,
Jordan, Syria, Saudi Arabia and the United Nations.
6. I also think Israelis should find it in their hearts to show
compassion and offer their apologies to Palestinians for the conflict.
7. I support creation of a similar fund to compensate those Jews from
Arab lands who lost their homes and lands, too, when they fled.
8. I think the Wall should be torn down, or relocated to the new borders.
I have no problem separating the two nations for a short duration to help
rebuild confidence between our two people.
9. All political parties, Palestinian and Israelis, should eliminate
languages denying each other's existence, and all maps should be reprinted so
that Israeli maps finally show Palestine and Palestinian maps finally show
Israel.
10. A subway system should be built linking the West Bank portion of the
Palestine state to the Gaza Strip portion of the Palestine State. Palestine
should be permitted to build a seaport access to strengthen its industry, and
an airport to permit flights and too and from the Arab and Israeli world.
11. I would urge the Arab World to renew their offer to normalize
relations with Israel if Israel agrees to support the creation of a Palestinian
State.
12. And I would ask both countries to establish embassies in each other's
country to address other problems.
13. While non-Jewish Palestinians would continue to live in Israel as
citizens, Jews who wish to live in settlements surrendered by Israel could
become Palestinian citizens and they should be recognized and treated equally.
14. If Jews want to live in Hebron, they should be allowed to live in
Hebron and should be protected, just as non-Jews. In fact, for every Jewish
individual seeking to live in Palestine, a Palestinian should be permitted to
live in Israel. In fact, major Palestinian populations in Israel could be
annexed into Palestine (like settlements).
15. Another concept is to have non-Jews living in Israel continue to live
there but only vote in Palestinian elections, while Jews living in Palestine
would only vote in Israeli elections. A special citizenship protection
committee could be created to explore how to protect the rights of minorities
in each state.
16. Israel and Palestine should create joint-governing and security
agencies working with the United States to monitor the peace, and establish an
agency to pursue criminal acts of violence.
As in every potentially workable peace proposal, Hanania's plan has
something in it to upset and disappoint everyone. But its underlying principle
of compromise based on mutual respect and compassion, its openness to the needs
and wounds of two victimized peoples, and its suggestion that grassroots
sentiment for peace can succeed where leaders have so consistently failed, are
surely as worthy of serious consideration, as anything currently on the table.
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