http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\09\06\story_6-9-2010_pg3_4

  Monday, September 06, 2010

      VIEW: 'Democratic' process in Pakistan - I -Raza Kazim

       Elections by themselves are only the mechanics of a political process. 
They are not the substance of democracy. Democracy is a massive movement of the 
common people against an oppressive and obstructive social order and for its 
replacement by another social order that enables the people to restructure 
their society

      In the peak of the 'democracy' season in Pakistan, Mr Altaf Hussain has 
sounded a discordant note with his latest statement, implying that he would 
support 'patriotic generals' if they use their military prowess to eradicate 
corruption and feudalism from Pakistan. Some prominent politicians and civil 
society luminaries have already reacted with horror to Mr Altaf Hussain's 
political hand grenade. As a concerned student of our history and an outsider 
to the present centre-stage of our politics, I would like to respond to this 
occasion by examining some of the implications arising out of Mr Altaf 
Hussain's statement.

      I am unable to equate democracy with elections and the politics of 
elections alone. The political history of the Third World during the last 60 
years is full of instances in which this paradigm of democracy has produced the 
messy stagnation that has taken hold of many of these countries for a long 
time, and has served to deny three generations of a brighter future, which 
could and should have been their fate. And let us not forget the modern 
instances of the election politics and process in Germany in the 1930s and 
about the same time in the Soviet Union. They produced disastrous social 
formations and sad endings. The point is that elections by themselves are only 
the mechanics of a political process. They are not the substance of democracy. 
Democracy is a massive movement of the common people against an oppressive and 
obstructive social order and for its replacement by another social order that 
enables the people to restructure their society and therewith establish an 
appropriate political and legal order, which opens the doors for civilised 
progress. And the process of democracy can last only as long as that movement 
of the people continues with dynamic vigour. These events occur and become real 
and turning points in their history. 

      I am unable to see when such events and turning points occurred in our 
history since August 14, 1947, nor do I recall when they occurred prior to 
1947. Neither do I find any literature that documents and demonstrates that we 
have in fact gone through this process, and developed a vigorous consensus of 
the common people, which could produce such events. A consensus mushroomed in 
1945 and 1946 to grasp Pakistan as a huge opportunity for a large number of the 
upper and middle classes for their personal betterment. And so in fact it 
happened. The British withdrew their sovereignty over Pakistan by an act of 
parliament and left Pakistani society intact as they had made it. There was no 
operative vision of a social change at all. Even the foreign minister, the 
finance minister and the first two army chiefs came from the British stable and 
were not even members of the Muslim League. I walked with Jinnah's funeral to 
his resting place and clearly recall that the marriage of Islam and politics in 
Pakistan took place quite some time after his burial. It was manifest that 
conferring the title of Islam on Pakistan later was a substitute device for the 
total absence of a social vision arising out of a popular consensus and its 
leadership. This was obvious because neither Jinnah nor the Quran had 
prescribed Islam or any other religion for the state of Pakistan. If it is 
suggested that 'democracy' means a legal continuity, then this notion was 
negated by the highest court in Pakistan, supported by the practical approval 
and consensus of the people of Pakistan. The first martial law was still to 
come four years later and that too after having been midwifed by the civilian 
administration. 

      All martial laws hitherto share the same fundamental character, together 
with all the intervening civilian governments, of preserving and standing guard 
over a pre-democratic social formation preferred so far by the people of 
Pakistan. I am unable, therefore, to make a qualitative political distinction 
between the civilian and military administrations in this country for the last 
62 years. It is true that there have been many interesting changes in political 
personalities and devices but that is all.

      The extent of the parallel economy in Pakistan is well recognised and 
researched, and where its ratio is one of the highest in the world. A parallel 
economy by definition means economic transactions that are in violation of the 
law, whereas democracy by definition means that laws are made by the people and 
for the people. It is logically inconsistent that we have a mindset committed 
to a parallel economy and simultaneously have a consensus in support of 
democracy. Hence it is obvious, in Pakistan, we have not yet preferred true 
democracy as a social reality. 

      Today a regular Pakistani politician Mr Altaf Hussain has chosen to make 
a very irregular and out of character statement in drawing a novel 
classification among the armed forces, i.e. those generals who are patriotic 
and opposed to corruption and feudalism and those who are not. From his 
promising the support of his party, it seems that some Pakistani political 
elements are exploring new territory. The question is, are there any worthwhile 
realities within our reach and available to us in this new territory? We have 
seen that elections and coups so far have been mere mechanics for our people to 
continue marking time with the same basic social formation that was bequeathed 
to us by the Indian Independence Act of 1947 by the British parliament.

      It is becoming obvious by the day that our prevailing ideological and 
national security doctrines have run out of steam. There are no more fig leaves 
left. We have no international opportunities left to exploit as in the past and 
no semblance of credibility left. As a motley crowd marching towards greater 
anarchy by the day, we have no future as a country and as a society.

      What is clear, however, is that there cannot possibly be a fifth martial 
law that belongs to the family of the four we have already had. If there has to 
be a dramatic redeeming event in the near future, it will have to be in 
substance and reality radically different from our past history. It is equally 
clear, if there is to be a turning of a page in our history, it will have to be 
by the common will, intention and consensus of the people. And that would be 
the beginning of our democracy. The mobilisation and emergence of such a 
consensus of the common people, which produces a qualitatively different 
mindset and a different culture is what alone can produce a real democracy. 

      (To be continued)

      The writer is an advocate and director of Sanjannagar Institute of 
Philosophy and Arts. He can be reached at rkazi...@gmail.com


     






[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

Kirim email ke