Johann Hari: Dare we stand up for Muslim women?

While we're addicted to oil, governments will put petroleum before feminism

*Thursday, 23 October 2008*

It's the smell I remember. Shahnaz's face – what was left of it – reeked of
a day-old barbecue, left out in the rain. Her flesh was a mess of charred
meat: her skin, the soft flesh of her cheeks, and the bones beneath had been
burned away. Her nose was gone. Her lips hung down over her chin like melted
wax. Her left eyelid couldn't close, so it watered all the time in an
endless stream of tears. Shahnaz – who was 21 years old – had been punished
by having acid thrown in her face. Her crime was to be a Muslim woman who
wanted to be treated as equal to a man.

Shahnaz loved education – especially science and poetry. But when she got
married – at the insistence of her family – her husband ordered her to stop
schooling and start breeding. "You are a woman, that is your only job," he
said. But she refused. She wanted to work for herself and enrich her mind.
So she kept going to school, despite his beatings and ragings and threats.
So one day her husband and his brothers carefully gathered up battery acid,
pinned her down and hurled it into her face.

She ended up in the Acid Survivors' Foundation in Dhaka, Bangladesh, where I
saw her earlier this year. In Bangladesh, acid attacks on "uppity" women are
an epidemic, peaking in 2002 with more than 500 women having their faces
burned off. Fewer than 10 per cent of the attackers are ever convicted
because juries and judges say the women bring it on themselves by wearing
"revealing" clothes, or refusing to obey men.

Munira Rahman, the director of the foundation, explains: "From the late
1980s women were increasingly getting jobs in Bangladesh. Women were
suddenly more independent and they could start to turn down marriage
proposals and choose for themselves. This is the backlash from men who see
women as property."

It is just one tactic in a global war to keep Muslim women at heel. In Saudi
Arabia, women are kept under house arrest and banned from driving or showing
their faces in public. In Afghanistan, the Taliban massacre teachers who
dare to educate girls. In Iran, women are stoned to death for adultery. In
Somalia, women's vaginas are butchered, with the clitoris cut out and the
remains crudely stitched up. These are not freak exceptions: they are often
state policy.

It is here, in our open societies, that the freedom of Muslim women is
slowly being born. Last week, Amina Wadud became the first ever woman to
lead British Muslims in prayer. All over Europe and the US, Muslim women are
pushing beyond a literal reading of the Koran and trying to turn many of its
ugliest passages into misty metaphor.

Yet our support for these Muslim women fighting to be free is hobbled – both
when it comes to ordinary people and when it comes to governments. Many of
us feel awkward talking about the rights of Muslim women because we have
overdosed on multiculturalism.

We ask nervously: isn't it just their culture that women are treated
differently? Isn't it a form of cultural imperialism to condemn these
practices? The only rational response is to ask: whose culture do you want
to respect here? Shahnaz's culture, or her husband's? The culture of the
little girls learning in a Kandahar classroom, or of the Taliban thug who
bursts in and shoots their teacher? The culture of Amina Wadud, or of the
misogynists protesting outside? Muslim societies are not a homogenous block
– and it is racist to pretend they are.

Our governments are equally hobbled from supporting Muslim women – for a
very different reason. They claim to oppose the Taliban or the Iranian
mullahs because they abuse women. But when it comes to Saudi Arabia, they
declare the just-as-vile regime "our close friend" and lavish cash on it.
Why?

You can glimpse the answer by looking at the little-told story of the
writing of Iraq's constitution. In the original draft drawn up by the Iraqi
political parties in 2004, there was a guarantee of equal rights for women –
alongside a clause stating that Iraqi oil belonged exclusively to the Iraqi
people.

The Bush administration panicked. In the bargaining that followed, the US
demanded an opening of the oil fields to foreign companies – and in return
they haggled away all women's rights and allowed Shariah courts run by
misogynist mullahs to operate. While we as a society are addicted to oil,
our governments will always put petroleum before feminism. While we suck on
the Saudi petrol pump, smearing rhetorical oestrogen on to our bombs looks
like an ugly trick.

So how do we practically side with Muslim women like Shahnaz and the tens of
millions like her? Any answer has to involve three steps. First: no more
bogus "respect" for fundamentalism within open societies. If you literally
follow an ancient Holy Text – whether it's the Koran, the Bible or the Torah
– you will hold disgusting views about women and you should expect to have
them criticised and mocked. By raising critical questions, we help the women
inside Islam who are trying to turn the ugliest passages into metaphorical
steam.

Second: kick our oil addiction. Until we do that, we will only ever see
Muslim societies through the bottom of an oil barrel. Third: Once we're no
longer junkies, we can pressure our governments to create a programme of
real economic empowerment for Muslim women.

My friend Irshad Manji, the Muslim feminist, has called for the EU and US to
fund a big programme of microcredits – small, no-interest loans – for Muslim
women across the Middle East to start their own businesses or get a decent
education. This would slowly give them a sliver of independence with which
to reinterpret the Koran (or leave it behind). This isn't only morally
right: it helps us too. How much can jihadism – an ideology committed to
enslaving women, Taliban-style – spread in a society where women are free to
argue and answer back?

The battle for equal rights for Muslim women is the great civil rights cause
of our time. Do we want to sit it out, or do we want to stand between
Shahnaz and her acid-wielding husband and say: enough?


-- 

"Corruptissima re publica plurimae leges."
- Tacitus, The Annals of Imperial Rome.


--- StripMime Report -- processed MIME parts ---
multipart/alternative
  text/plain (text body -- kept)
  text/html
---

_______________________________________________
Post Messages to: [email protected]
Subscription Maintenance: http://leafe.com/mailman/listinfo/profox
OT-free version of this list: http://leafe.com/mailman/listinfo/profoxtech
Searchable Archive: http://leafe.com/archives/search/profox
This message: http://leafe.com/archives/byMID/profox/[EMAIL PROTECTED]
** All postings, unless explicitly stated otherwise, are the opinions of the 
author, and do not constitute legal or medical advice. This statement is added 
to the messages for those lawyers who are too stupid to see the obvious.

Reply via email to