END THE CORPORATE 
INCOME TAX 
By Megan McArdle 
THE CORPORATE INCOME TAX may be the stupidest tax we have. At 35 percent, 
America's levy on corporate income is one of the highest in the developed 
world. In 2007, about 2.5 million companies prepared lengthy returns at great 
expense, yet the tax generated only about 15 percent of total federal tax 
revenue. The tax on corporate profits discourages capital formation, targets 
shareholders regardless of their wealth, and fuels frantic, and costly, 
business efforts to dodge it. Among experts who study its effects, support for 
the tax is at best sort of sheepish. Yet as taxes go, it is relatively popular.
When confronted with all the economic costs of the tax, and its anemic 
contribution to federal coffers (even though in 2007, it accounted for a higher 
proportion of tax revenue than it did in 1985), its supporters generally call 
for "closing the loopholes." But such efforts have historically only made the 
tax code more complex, raising compliance costs and creating new opportunities 
for avoidance.
By one estimate, what companies spend in complying with the tax equals almost 
13 percent of the tax bill they owe-and that's the smallest drawback. 
Corporations go to extraordinary lengths to avoid taxes. Entire 
investment-banking firms and law practices have been built solely for the 
purpose of creating valuable tax deductions, and they employ highly educated 
and skilled people who could make a greater contribution to society by ... 
well, doing almost anything else, really.
But the most compelling reason to eliminate the corporate income tax is that it 
doesn't target those with the most ability (or obligation) to pay. A company's 
owners won't necessarily be the ones who bear the tax-corporations might 
decide, for example, to pass on the cost of the tax to employees in the form of 
smaller bonuses. And even if you could guarantee that the fat-cat managers and 
the owners bear the brunt of the tax, those "owners" aren't necessarily 
rich-they could be retirees invested in pension funds, or small shareholders.
Democrats are looking at ways to lower the rate and "close loopholes" so that 
more corporate revenue, particularly profits earned abroad, gets hit by the 
tax. But Uncle Sam could collect at least as much revenue in a more progressive 
and less distorting manner by eliminating the thing entirely, and raising taxes 
on capital-gains and dividend income (which were previously kept low to ease 
the negative impact of "double taxation"-taxing corporate profits first as 
corporate income, and then again as shareholder income). That might not provide 
the moral thrill of demanding that corporations cough up their "fair share." 
But with so many real advantages, it's an idea that both left and right ought 
to be able to get behind.
Megan McArdle is The Atlantic's business and economics editor, and the editor 
of business.theatlantic.com.


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