http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/GG08Ad04.html
Jul 8, 2005 


 
China's tango in Latin America
By Saul Landau 

(Posted with permission from Foreign Policy in Focus) 

A century ago, US policy planners looked to a then weak and divided China as 
the answer to the country's future trade and economic problems. Anxious 
exporters implored president William McKinley to act because "the Chinese 
market rightfully belongs to us", as a member of the Riverside (New York) 
Republican Club told secretary of state William Hay. 

This low-wage labor source and vast potential market in the East would also 
supposedly solve the periodic depression problem, which in 1893 shook the 
country's economic structure and motivated the elite to think about how 
expansion eastward would resolve that issue. 

"Under the stimulus of a narrowing marketplace at home and widening market 
opportunity of an awakening China, America's leadership made a conscious, 
purposeful, integrated effort to solve the economic crisis at home by promoting 
national interest abroad," wrote historian Thomas McCormick. It did so "by 
using America's most potent weapon, economic supremacy, to begin the open-door 
conquest of the China market." 

In 1898, McKinley "took the Philippines", alleged McCormick, because it made 
the ideal jumping-off base for future China excursions. The US kept a naval 
base there for 100 years, when technology no longer required refueling stops. 
"East Asia is the prize for which all nations are grasping," wrote Brooks 
Adams, sixth president John Quincy Adams' grandson. 

In 2005, the weak and vulnerable "prize" that feuding Europeans had carved up 
for imperial aspirations at the end of the 19th and early 20th centuries, now 
blankets all continents with its goods - and its capital. As the "made in 
China" label has become ubiquitous in US department stores, the Chinese 
government has scooped up US Treasury securities worth hundreds of billions of 
dollars. Maybe that makes the US China's "prize". Indeed, US officials may well 
worry that the Chinese might stop recycling dollars they earn from trade 
surplus back into the US economy. 

In early March, a US Embassy official confided to a visiting businessman that 
he believed that Chinese leaders viewed the US as a declining superpower whose 
time had passed and which would be forced to share world power with other 
powerful nations, including China. 

Latin American invasion
To demonstrate how China's strategic position has changed in the past two 
decades, the embassy official explained that China has not only widely 
penetrated the US consumer market, but also invaded Latin America, a region 
that the US has traditionally dominated. 

He referred to two high-level visits. In November 2004, Chinese President Hu 
Jintao signed 39 commercial agreements with five Latin American nations. 
Chinese investments in Argentina alone totaled some US$20 billion. He then made 
an investment trip to the Caribbean as well. In January and February, Chinese 
Vice President Zeng Qinghong followed his boss's visit with his own entourage 
of officials and top business executives. During these two aggressive trips to 
pursue investment in strategic areas, China stepped into potentially 
contentious turf when they signed an accord with Venezuela's President Hugo 
Chavez for future Venezuelan oil and gas exploration. Zeng also offered 
Venezuela a $700 million credit line for new housing construction to help 
reduce Venezuelan poverty, ignoring US complaints over Chavez's 
"authoritarianism". 

Chavez, who has won three free and fair elections in the past six years, gets 
stuck with the "authoritarian" label, while his pro-US opponents who staged a 
2002 military coup merit the "democratic" badge. For all the tension between 
the two nations, US imports from Venezuela still stood at $25 billion last 
year, far outweighing exports to that country, which totaled $4.8 billion. 

But Beijing's real poke in Washington's eye came with the announcement that it 
would give credits to Cuba. In the globalization era, Cuba remains the 
exception to all rules. The Bush administration's Latin American policy targets 
the "containment" of Chavez or the "punishing" of Fidel Castro, who holds the 
world record for "most years of disobedience". 

So far, official Washington has ignored or denied the significance of China's 
Latin America strategy. Indeed, "President Hu Jintao spent more time in Latin 
America last year than President George W Bush," Miami Herald columnist Andres 
Oppenheimer has observed. "China's vice president, Zeng Qinghong, spent more 
time in the region last month than his US counterpart, Vice President Dick 
Cheney, over the past four years." 

Helping meet China's demand for energy
At the end of 2004 and the beginning of 2005, China offered more than $50 
billion in investment and credits to countries inside the traditional Monroe 
Doctrine's shield. That's beginning to rival the cash infusion from president 
John F Kennedy's highly-publicized Alliance for Progress, which pumped $20 
billion into the region in the 1960s (that would be worth about $120 billion 
today after adjusting for inflation). 

Trade with Latin America can help meet China's wildly expanding energy demands. 
In 2007, the Central Intelligence Agency estimated, China will import half its 
oil. China also needs to import other raw materials and food as its economy 
grows. 

As US dependency on foreign oil grows and the price of crude reaches record 
levels, most recently over the $60 per barrel mark, the Chinese might maneuver 
themselves into a position to actually sell some of that viscous substance to 
the US. Long before the Alaska drilling results in a drop of crude prices, 
China's new investments have targeted oil, gas and minerals, signs that the 
Chinese pursue strategic gains and markets rather than simple profit designs. 

China already operates two Venezuelan oil fields, and after signing a January 
agreement in Caracas, China will also begin developing other fields - seemingly 
in decline - in eastern Venezuela. China also agreed to buy 120,000 barrels of 
oil a month and build an additional fuel-producing facility. Venezuelan 
officials announced that they expected trade with China to reach $3 billion in 
2005, more than double 2004. And - Castro-haters hold onto your hats - a huge 
Chinese oil company will begin searching for potential oil fields off the Cuban 
coast. 

When Hu visited several Latin American countries in November 2004, he told the 
Brazilian Congress that China would invest $100 billion in Latin America over 
the next 10 years. In Argentina alone, China reportedly will invest $20 billion 
in the next decade. 

Foreign direct investment has declined in Latin America in recent years, 
dropping from $78 billion in 2000 to $36 billion in 2004. That's why "many 
Latin American nations welcome the increase in foreign capital that the Chinese 
are promising", according to a recent Congressional Research Service report by 
Kerry Dumbaugh and Mark P Sullivan. China has also invested in energy, primary 
resources and food in Peru and Chile. Colombian President Alvaro Uribe traveled 
to China in mid-April promoting increased investment in his country. 

Why did Chinese leaders choose late 2004 and early 2005 to make their whirlwind 
spending tour of several Latin American nations? First, they may well have 
noticed that Latin American governments no longer race to sign onto the 
US-backed Free Trade of the Americas agreement, as they did previously to the 
North America Free Trade Agreement in the 1990s. 

Because the free-trade, free-market model failed to perform as predicted - in 
Argentina it led to bankruptcy - governments that question Washington's 
economic model now sit in Uruguay, Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela and Cuba. 
Bolivia and Ecuador may be next. Indeed, if the radical populist Mexico City 
mayor Lopez Obredor succeeds in winning the 2006 Mexican presidential election 
- he is currently the leading contender - US-sponsored trade agreements in the 
region may be doomed. 

Second, the petroleum mavens don't expect supply to rise above demand in the 
near future. So, given this climate, China's gaining access to oil and gas 
sources in the US backyard has flustered the Bush administration, which remains 
preoccupied with Iraq, Afghanistan, North Korea and Iran, social security 
privatization and abortion criminalization. 

Turnaround in 35 years
Under Bush, the US has shelved its national interests and pursued imperial 
adventures in the Middle East. While Beijing has invested strategically, 
Washington has spent resources on a strategy that will only further deplete the 
national wealth. 

Latin America has said basta (enough)to the US development model. In Argentina, 
Brazil, Uruguay, Venezuela and Bolivia, presidents who adhered to the 
International Monetary Fund's notion of development have had to look for other 
jobs. This should send more than a hint to Washington. 

China has behaved in a civil and friendly manner and invested in the very 
resources it will need in the coming years. Over the next decades the leading 
economies will vie for the fuels that drive their production and distribution 
machines. It might take several buckets of ice water to wake up the policy 
planning dreamers at the White House that war and military occupation of 
foreign lands and threats to governments that don't share a common world view - 
like Venezuela and Cuba - do not bode well for the future. 

China apparently sees its future in the US and Latin American markets. That's a 
complete turnaround from 35 years ago, when China remained "unrecognized" by 
the US and most of its lackey governments in Latin America. In 1975, Chinese 
trade with the region amounted to $200 million. In 2004, trade between China 
and all the Americas had soared to over $40 billion. China has become one of 
the foremost players in the era of globalization, which US leaders promoted 
without considering that China might avail itself of this opportunity to move 
into its own turf. 

While government leaders silently wring their hands in frustration over China's 
capital moves into "our backyard", some journalists are beginning to report on 
China's investment invasion. China is "nurturing alliances with many developing 
countries to solidify its position in the World Trade Organization, flex its 
muscles on the world stage and act as a counterbalance to US power", according 
to Chicago Tribune reporter Gary Marx. 

Indeed, China has succeeded in forcing an open-door policy on the US, one 
similar to that fashioned in 1898 by secretary of state Hay. China's leaders 
now say implicitly to Washington what acting secretary of state Edwin Uhl wrote 
to the US minister in China in 1895: "This country will expect equal and 
liberal trading advantages ..." 

Now China expects the US to offer it "equal and liberal trading advantages". 
Senator Richard Lugar, chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, has 
worried aloud about the contradictions that arose from Venezuela's new deals 
with China. Like other prudent and truly conservative Republicans, Lugar 
wonders whether Bush's aggressive anti-Chavez rhetoric and actions might lead 
Venezuela to retaliate and cut the US off from its oil supply. After all, China 
will pick up the purchase slack. 

"The Chinese are taking advantage of it. They're taking advantage of the fact 
that we don't care as much as we should about Latin America," a Lugar aide told 
The New York Times. 

Likewise, China has undercut Washington's policy of starving Cuba for 
resources. Chinese leaders have pledged large investment credits for Cuban 
nickel. Beijing thus befriends US enemies, Chavez and Castro, as US prestige 
slips in its own "backyard". It has used the open-door ploy against the US in 
Latin America as the US once used it against Europe to get at Chinese resources 
and labor. 

Hey, doesn't globalization mean that all's fair in the game of trade? 

Saul Landau is a Foreign Policy in Focus scholar. He wrote Dangerous Doctrine: 
National Security and US Foreign Policy. He is a fellow of the Institute for 
Policy Studies and teaches at Cal Poly Pomona University. 

(Posted with permission from Foreign Policy in Focus)




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