http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2012\02\26\story_26-2-2012_pg3_4
      Sunday, February 26, 2012 

COMMENT: What is the ‘establishment’? —Lal Khan

 
The relationship between the ruling classes and the state is never a 
straightforward one. It depends on the financial potency of the elite and their 
capacity to advance the means of production and develop society


There seems to be an incessant deliberation and debate about the alleged 
contradiction and conflict between the ‘establishment’ and the democratic setup 
that rules Pakistan at the present time. The masses are perplexed at this 
argumentation that they can neither comprehend nor feel its relevance to the 
grievances and the rapid deterioration of living conditions that is making 
their life miserable day in and day out. Yet the incomprehension of the masses 
is not their ignorance. They probably have a better conception of this as those 
involved in these discussions are far removed from the harrowing realities of 
society that the masses have to endure. Some of the very educated people can be 
very ignorant while a lot of illiterate toilers are blessed with startling 
wisdom, extraordinary talent and outstanding foresight. After all, in Goethe’s 
words, “life teaches”. The establishment is presented as some sort of a black 
hole wrapped in mystery. The reality is that different ‘experts’ mean by this 
nomenclature various sections and institutions clumped together in different 
formations at different times corresponding to their material acquisitions.

The establishment is the state. Its main cornerstones are the armed forces, 
judiciary, legislature, media and the executive, be it monarchical, 
parliamentary or dictatorial in accordance with the requirements of sustaining 
the exploitative system of class coercion. In the era of capitalism these 
institutions operate relatively in harmony as long as the economy is growing 
and somewhat developing society. But as the social, economic and political 
other basics of the system plunge into crisis, the equilibrium of the 
structures begins to unravel. In situations where the masses rise in movements 
of class struggle, these institutions tend to coalesce and try to crush the 
revolt. However, more often than not when the tactic of repression fails to 
defeat the movement, they resort to the policy of reforms. That can also 
backfire and result in emboldening the masses with a renewed confidence in 
their strength as a class. Even if the revolutionary movements are forced into 
retreat through betrayal and treachery, the organic crisis of the system does 
not subside. In such conditions of social stagnation and mass dejection, the 
conflicts between diverse sections of the state erupt with a greater ferocity. 
This is the real scenario that afflicts Pakistan today. The main role of the 
media is to engross the mass psychology to align with the antagonistic factions 
elite, although all are intrinsically rooted to the same socioeconomic 
paradigm. Their mutual antagonisms arise from the share in the pillage of an 
economy in dearth and are draped in diverse ‘ideological’ cloaks to boost their 
prerogatives and power. Hence they can go into any rotten compromise and would 
not have the slightest hesitation in changing sides and parties.

However, the relationship between the ruling classes and the state is never a 
straightforward one. It depends on the financial potency of the elite and their 
capacity to advance the means of production and develop society. In conditions 
like Pakistan where the ruling classes are not only inept and irredeemably 
corrupt but also historically belated and economically debilitated, the state 
elevates itself as an arbitrator. It often resorts to direct military rule and 
develops diverse variants of Bonapartism. But with the intensification of the 
crisis of the whole system, the state exacerbates its own internal 
contradictions. Like all other conflicts that are sizzling in society, the 
conflagrations within the state can inflame extremely dangerous outcomes.

The state as portrayed by the ruling classes and their intelligentsia is 
neither sacrosanct nor an eternal indispensable institution of society. It came 
into existence with the development of class society on the basis of the 
private ownership of the means of production and private property. Its forms 
changed and developed with the transformation of different socioeconomic 
systems through various revolutions in history. The state during slavery, 
Asiatic despotism, feudalism and capitalism evolved into diverse formations. 
Before that, human society did exist sans the state. Lenin quotes Engels in his 
famous book, The State and Revolution; “The state has not existed from all 
eternity. There have been societies that did without it, that had no idea of 
state and state power. At a certain stage of economic development, which was 
necessarily bound up with the split of society into classes, the state became a 
necessity owing to this split.” Architecture is perhaps the most forceful 
expression of culture and the social foundation of society. If one examines the 
excavated archaeological sites of the Indus Valley civilisation, particularly 
Mohenjo Daro, the courts, police stations, cantonments, palaces and other 
relics of the state and class structures are not there. The remnants show 
evidence of an egalitarian and collective social existence. Karl Marx 
elaborated these ancient societies: “The basic form of all phenomena in the 
East is to be found in the fact that no private property in land 
existed...communities with ownership in common of the means of production. This 
is the real key even to the oriental heaven.” However, with the transition of 
capitalism to imperialism and globalisation, we are witnessing monumental 
contradictions of advanced technology, industrial expansion and the modes of 
production against the nation state and private ownership.

The democratic executive cannot work without the ‘establishment’ and the 
establishment needs the democratic facade to perpetuate coercion to serve the 
interests of finance capital. They just keep on taking turns to acquire power 
for blatant plunder of the impoverished souls that inhabit this tragic land. 
The imperialists supervise this sinister debauchery and loot the most. This 
vicious cycle cannot go on forever while society suffers and suffocates in the 
misery of super exploitation. This decline of capitalism is not going to 
reverse. The burden of this crisis will be piled upon the oppressed masses and 
their lives will continue to be desecrated by this inhuman system. The 
conflicts within the state will explode further and society will descend into 
the unfathomable abyss of anarchy, chaos and bloodshed. This is the only 
destiny of Pakistan under capitalist rule. The question is: when will the mass 
revolt erupt to challenge and overthrow capitalism? Revolutionary periods are 
historical exceptions. The exact timings of revolutions cannot be predicted in 
advance. But with class exploitation intensifying, the class conflict is bound 
to explode. The discontent and agony is seething like blazing lava. All forms 
and strains of bourgeois rule have been tried and tested. They have failed 
miserably to solve anything. The plight of the populace has worsened as never 
before. They have been reduced to extremes of hardship and agony. In this din 
of meaningless debate, the masses are thinking in silence Once it breaks, it 
will be a revolution of proportions yet unforeseen.

The writer is the editor of Asian Marxist Review and International Secretary of 
Pakistan Trade Union Defence Campaign. He can be reached at [email protected]


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