http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/gam-risks-becoming-what-it-fought/500368
GAM Risks Becoming What It Fought
Agus Wandi | February 25, 2012

George Orwell’s classic novel “Animal Farm” is the definitive depiction of how 
any rebellion or social revolt risks not just failure but a reversal where one 
type of domination is merely exchanged for another. After the leaders of the 
animal rebellion take over, they impose a single commandment: “All animals are 
equal, but some animals are more equal than others.” 

It is not exactly the same, but recent developments in Acehnese politics are 
reminiscent of the animal farm. The Aceh Party, which was spawned by the 
separatist Free Aceh Movement (GAM), is heading in a worrying direction. 
Internal conflict among former combatants, as well as their desire to dominate 
the seats of power in the province, is driving Aceh into another phase of 
uncertainty. 

If the Aceh Party members continue to behave undemocratically, they will go 
down in history as nothing more than a ragtag bunch of ignoble former rebels 
who behaved eerily like their former “enemies.” 

GAM was an ethnic nationalist movement that mobilized resistance through 
nationalistic fervor. The roots of the movement were in past injustices, but 
the conflict later evolved into an antagonistic identity dispute between Aceh 
and Jakarta. 

Especially during the New Order, the conflict reached a level where the idea of 
an independent Aceh became entrenched as a result of endless oppression and 
unjust treatment. 

As a movement, GAM took advantage of this. It pledged a promised land where 
democracy would rule and injustice would be a thing of the past. All of Aceh 
was dragged by the rebels into this independence narrative and into the lengthy 
struggle. 

The rebels in Aceh laid down their arms with the Helsinki peace agreement in 
2005. The agreement brought an end to 30 years of war and provided a 
significant opportunity for the local people to manage their own affairs and 
participate in a democratic process as Aceh became a special autonomous region. 

All the trouble in Aceh was supposed to end there. Today, the reality is that 
it continues, and it is stubborn. 

The seeds for the current tension were planted with the first gubernatorial 
election soon after the peace agreement. The leadership of the rebels in exile 
supported a candidate who was not supported by the majority of former 
combatants. Ignoring the opinions of the former field commanders, the exiled 
leaders went ahead with their candidate — who ended up losing by a landslide. 

The field commanders had used their networks of former combatants to provide 
strong backing for their candidate. Irwandi Yusuf was elected as the first 
governor of post-peace agreement Aceh, but his defiant victory upset the exiled 
leaders. 

These divided camps seemed to have reconciled in the legislative elections, 
when the exiled leadership and the field commanders agreed to jointly form a 
political party called Partai Aceh (Aceh Party) to stand a better chance of 
winning. The reconciliation bore fruit, with the Aceh Party winning the 
majority of the seats. 

Again, the field commanders and their networks provided the crucial machinery 
to ensure the victory. 

Winning a majority of the seats in the provincial legislature was supposed to 
put GAM in full control of the province and close the chapter on the rebellion, 
but it did not. Another problem was to about to surface. 

The Aceh Party, which was and is closely controlled by the exiled former 
leadership, had not forgotten the embarrassment of that first gubernatorial 
election and began working toward revenge. 

It started a low-level campaign against their unwanted elected governor, 
meaning that Aceh’s legislature, since the 2010 elections, has been a 
legislature that measures its success by how badly it can undermine Irwandi. 
Most of the policies introduced by the executive arm of the government are 
constantly being undermined by its legislative arm. 

This time, the exiled leaders are in full control of the field commanders and 
legislature members who, by now, mostly pledge loyalty to the Aceh Party. For 
many field commanders, the Aceh Party is their vehicle to control the province 
both politically and economically. To achieve that goal, many of them have 
decided to stick together. 

This is the struggle that we see playing out today in the run-up to the second 
gubernatorial election. The Aceh Party supports the former exiled leader Zaini 
Abdullah and former GAM commander Muzakir Manaf, and refuses to support Irwandi 
despite the governor’s popularity. 

To ensure the governor cannot even compete in the election they went so far as 
to propose a revision of the Election Law to bar independent candidates from 
running in elections. 

The dispute over independent candidates was politically motivated, intended to 
stop Irwandi and many other ex-rebels running in the election. Fortunately, it 
failed, though only after the Constitutional Court’s decision safeguarded the 
national law. Had it been successful, this attempt to block independent 
candidates would have been a reversal of democratic progress for the entire 
country. 

It is a nasty game in Aceh, where the players are willing to go so far as to 
undermine democratic progress and the peace process for their own purposes of 
retaliation, punishment and control — where all parties are equal, but some are 
more equal than others. 

Agus Wandi is a former fellow of Harvard University’s Weatherhead Center for 
International Affair

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