Journey through Britain's Muslim divide

On the bombers' route between London and Leeds, Patrick Barkham finds
communities riven by a generation gap Patrick Barkham Saturday July
16, 2005

Guardian
The M1, down which three of the suicide bombers drove on their final
journey, is famous for its grey monotony. But its dullness is in
contrast to the diversity of the Muslim communities for which it is
the backbone. Retracing their route in reverse from London, to Luton,
Leicester, Derby and Leeds, is to travel through Muslim Britain.

British Muslims are experiencing the crisis wrought by the attacks in
vastly different ways, and the most pronounced of those is the chasm
between the young and old.

Saleem Tayyab had just finished in the kitchen on Tuesday evening when
he heard that the bombs were detonated by British Muslims. A 33-
year-old father of four, he is moderate, hard-working, urbane.

Thirty-one years ago, his father founded Tayyabs on a street behind
the East London Mosque, barely 500 metres from the Aldgate bomb. The
garment workers who first ate their freshly cooked kebabs are long
gone but the Tayyabs' family business has thrived.

Saleem is shocked and apologetic but confident that "everybody" in the
country "knows the difference between mainstream Muslims and
organisations that are responsible" for the terrorism. Like many older
Muslims, he speaks of children being "brainwashed".

"They can't sit at home and decide to blow themselves up. It's a
larger story than that," he insists.

Thirty miles up the M1, Luton, the chosen rendezvous for the suicide
bombers sweats out the heatwave. Periodic anti-terrorist raids by
police have given the town's 30,000 Muslims an extremist hue. Muhammad
Sulaiman, 68, was president of the Central Mosque when the Syrian-born
cleric Omar Bakri Mohammed spoke there a couple of years ago. When
they heard his message they unplugged his PA and manhandled him off
the premises. But his jihadist group al-Muhajiroun and its successors
continue to hand out leaflets, campaigning and recruiting on the
streets nearby.

The mosque leaders insist there are barely half a dozen extremists in
Luton and all are banned from the town's 12 mosques. "The police are
well aware of these guys," says Qurban Hussain, deputy leader of the
borough council. A Liberal Democrat candidate in this year's general
election, Mr Hussain is sharply conscious of the extremists: he
received death threats for standing for a "western" political party in
the May elections, even though it was the anti-war Lib Dems.

Like every older Muslim encountered along the M1, Mr Hussain 
emphatically denounces the suicide bombers. He speaks of an 
intelligence failure but is happy to scrutinise his own 
community. "This is another tragedy: the generation gap between young
and old in the ethnic minorities is much greater than in the
indigenous population. Our elder generation were law-abiding and
hardworking. Where they failed was they put all their God-given hours
into work and didn't spend time with their children. When these people
are brainwashed, they are brainwashed to an extent that they don't
talk to their parents."

As the dome of the Masjid Umar mosque sparkles in the evening 
sunshine, 100 children gather for Islamic classes on the generous
playing fields of Crown Hills Community College in Leicester. "Twinkle
twinkle little star," four five-year-old girls in white jilbab and
hijab sing. "Allah created you, and He created me/In truth and so
perfectly." They finish with prayers for the victims of the London
bombs.

Driven to their classes by parents in VW Passats, these children study
Arabic and the Qur'an five evenings a week. "We want them to be proud
Muslims and proud British citizens," says Ibrahim Mogra, their gentle,
engaging teacher, also a committee member of the Muslim Council of
Britain.

"This is our country, this is home. There is no reason for them to
feel second-class or alien. If you ask them who they are, they would
say Muslim and I think that's right. As a person of faith, for me, God
comes before everything. But there is no contradiction. I'm Muslim,
I'm British, I'm Asian, I'm an imam, I'm a teacher."

After their lessons, young pupils point out double standards in 
government and media treatment of their faith. Of course the bombs
were wrong and destroyed innocent people's lives, but look at what
fuelled it: Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestine.

"In Afghanistan people die every single day but that's never 
mentioned," points out Irshad, 14. "Nobody is there to help the 
people in Palestine." Arshad, also 14, finishes the argument: "It's
not a war against terrorism, it's a war against Islam. That's how some
people see it."

Past old garment factories being converted into designer flats, 
evening prayers at the shiny modern Masjid Umar mosque brings working-
class Muslims on to the streets. It is wearily routine for reporters
to rush to mosques whenever there are outbreaks of extremism. As Mo, a
young Muslim who works at a BT call centre, points out, reporters
didn't swarm around Catholic churches whenever the IRA blew someone
up.

Mo buys me a soft drink from the local kebab shop. "Stay here, I've
got something to show you." He returns with a sheet of typed paper
that his sister stuck to her bedroom wall. "Former heavyweight boxing
champion Muhammad Ali visited the remains of the World Trade Centre,"
it reads. "When reporters asked how he felt about suspects sharing his
Islamic faith, Ali responded pleasantly, 'How do you feel about Hitler
sharing yours?' Ever wondered ... why a nun can be covered from head
to toe and she's respected for devoting herself to God, but when a
Muslimah does that, she's considered oppressed?"

Despite his wispy blonde beard, Hussain, 27, still looks better 
suited to Scott, his former name. "I wouldn't be surprised if the
bombs were planted by MI5," he says, a conspiracy theory suggested by
more than one young Muslim milling around the mosque. Yet even the
most unapologetic appear a million miles from being potential bombers.
Hussain's white non-Muslim family does not understand his conversion.
"I let them have their opinions and agree to differ," he says.

In Derby, 12 miles off the M1, Yahya Akhter, a local bookseller, says
al-Muhajiroun "are very active" at the nearby Jamia mosque, haranguing
and handing out leaflets outside. The group were accused of recruiting
Derby resident Omar Khan Sharif, who was found dead after attempting a
suicide bombing in Israel two years ago in which four people died.

Mr Akhter sells Islamic books and shalwar kameez. The 38-year-old, who
came to Britain from Kashmir 10 years ago, believes the generation gap
is based on the language barrier between English- speaking young
Muslims and their elders. "It doesn't matter what the imam says inside
the mosque because the young people don't understand. The real
education goes on outside. In mosques our religious leaders are
speaking in Urdu. The only people speaking in English are extremists
like Abu Hamza and Bakri Mohammed. Youngsters do not get the real
message of Islam."

'Reactionary product'

Muslims did not do enough to prevent extremism and must replace imams
who don't speak English, he says. But the extremists are a
"reactionary product of this country" and not produced by Muslims
alone, he argues. Hamza and Bakri Mohammed were "given enormous and
disproportionate media time to say poisonous things. Why did you make
them our heroes? Why did you give them airtime?"

"Have they found the bomb?" asks one young Muslim hovering at the
police tape, the curtain for a drama starring a robot, jerkily
searching for explosives near where two of the bombers, Mohammad
Sidique Khan and Shehzad Tanweer, grew up in Leeds. "If they haven't
found it, they'll pull one out of their back pocket," shrugs another.

The Ali Cool ice-cream van chimes out as it labours up the hill in the
heat. Beeston's tatty red-brick terraces are significantly poorer than
the Victorian roads where most Muslims live in Luton, Leicester and
Derby. A sense of harassment has been building with the heat, police
presence and press scrum.

Ima gathers at the police tape with a group of mates. The 27-year-old
knew Shehzad Tanweer pretty well. For him, there is a "cultural gap"
between the generations. "The generation that did the bombings have
had a free rein. They've been given a good education and been able to
do whatever they like. The older generation haven't tuned in. They
don't know Tupac Shakur or Steven Gerrard."

Like many younger Muslims, Ima wants to see not just his elders but
wider society trying harder to understand modern British Muslims. "We
need a close examination of what the youth of today are thinking and
doing."

On the other side of the class divide in Leeds is Hashim Talbot, 18,
and waiting for his A-level results before going to study law in
Cardiff. Hashim prays at the Grand Mosque in the leafy north of the
city, linked in press reports to the fourth bomber, Jamaican-born
Lindsay Germain, who changed his name to Abdullah Shaheed Jamal 
when
he converted to Islam. Hashim is certain his mosque is moderate and
says "secretive" mosques must open up. He also has an acute sense of
the difference between old and young Muslims: elders are theologically
aware but politically passive; younger people are theologically dumb
but politically active.

"Young people like myself are more politically aware. It's not only
Iraq. A lot of people have sympathy for the Palestinians, who we see
as brothers. But young Muslims are not as educated in their religion
so they go for radical ideas because with these they can see change
happen quickly. Moderate Muslims are too slow for young people."

Ima quietly watches the police close off more roads. "Any young 
person is vulnerable to any form of extremism," he says. "You have to
open the doors a bit. Lack of information breeds misinformation. The
less we are told, the less we feel this is our country." Guardian
Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005




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