Siapa yg nganggap Malaysia itu bersih dr skandal? Ga ada orang Malaysia yg mikir begitu.
Si Mahathit itu dulu dikenal sbg Mr 17 Percent, yg berarti minta komisi 17% dr proyek. >________________________________ > From: Sunny <[email protected]> >To: [email protected] >Sent: Wednesday, June 27, 2012 6:28 AM >Subject: [proletar] Deep and Dirty: Malaysia's Submarine Scandal > > > >Ref: Malaysia yang dianggap bersih mempunyai skandal, jadi apakah NKRI yang >penuh kotor korupsi dan yang sekarang sedang beli berbagai macam perlengkapan >persang bisa bersih dari skandal? > >http://www.asiasentinel.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=4626&Itemid=178 > >Deep and Dirty: Malaysia's Submarine Scandal >Written by John Berthelsen >Monday, 25 June 2012 > >Scorpene diving: Not deep enough >Leaked prosecution documents show a pattern of official misdeeds in two >countries > >A two-decade campaign by the French state-owned defense giant DCN and its >subsidiaries to sell submarines to the Malaysian ministry of defense has >resulted in a long tangle of blackmail, bribery, influence peddling, misuse of >corporate assets and concealment, among other allegations, according to >documents made available to Asia Sentinel. > >Some of the misdeeds appear to have taken place with the knowledge of top >French government officials including then-foreign Minister Alain Juppe and >with the consent of former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, >according to the documents, comprising 133 separate files and hundreds of >pages. They were presented to the French Prosecuting Magistrate at the Court >de Grand Instance de Paris in May and June of 2011. French lawyers have begun >preparing subpoenas for leading Malaysian politicians including Prime Minister >Najib Tun Razak, the current Defense Minister, Ahmad Zaki Hamad and several >other figures. > >The documents were sent anonymously to Asia Sentinel via a circuitous route >that took them to Brussels, Belgium; Lagos, Nigeria; Brazzaville,Congo; >Libreville, Gabon; then to Leipzig, Germany and finally to Hong Kong. The >documents, written in French, can be found in a collection in Asia Sentinel's >Scribd account. > >Click here to view documents. > >The documents were compiled as a result of a raid on April 7, 2010, when >scores of investigators from the anti-organized and financial crime unit of >the French Directorate of Judicial Police swooped down on DCN’s offices at 19 >rue du Colonel Pierre Avia in Paris’s 15th Arondissement, and four other >locations, demanding that stunned officials give them access to safes, files >and computers. They collected thousands of documents that form the bulk of the >files delivered to Asia Sentinel. > >Together, they present a damning indictment of Malaysian officials whose goal >was to steer a €114.96 million (US$114.3 million at current exchange rates) >payment through a private company called Perimekar Sdn Bhd, wholly owned by >Abdul Razak Baginda. Razak Baginda was then the head of a Malaysian think tank >called Malaysian Strategic Research, which was connected with the United >Malays National Organization, the country’s biggest political party. > >The payment appears to have been in violation of the OECD Convention on >Bribery, which France ratified on June 30, 2000. On Sep. 29, 2000, according >to document D00015, DCNI, a DCN subsidiary, “took corrective actions” after >France joined the bribery convention. Contracts concluded after that date were >to be routed to Eurolux and Gifen, companies held by Jean-Marie Boivin, DCN’s >former finance chief, and headquartered in Luxembourg and Malta respectively >Boivin is being investigated for having played a central role in the >“corrective actions,” with what were described as “outlandish commissions” >traveling through the welter of companies that he established in tax havens >around the world. Among the documents is one that shows Boivin paid to send >Razak Baginda on a jaunt to Macau with his then-girlfriend, Altantuya >Shaariibuu, a Mongolian national who was later murdered by two of Najib’s >bodyguards. > >“A separate agreement sets other compensation consisting of a fixed amount >independent of the actual price of the main contract,” one document reads in >reference to the payment to Perimekar. “This has been made to be consistent >with [DCN’s] internal rules and [its subsidiary] Thales and those of the OECD. >The beneficiaries of these funds are not difficult to imagine: the clan and >family relations of Mr. Razak Baginda. In addition, these funds will find >their way to the dominant political party." Malaysia’s dominant political >party was and is UMNO. > >Malaysian Defense Spree > >The story in essence began when Najib Tun Razak was appointed defense minister >in Mahathir’s cabinet in 1991 and embarked on a massive buildup of the >country’s military, arranging for the purchase of tanks, Sukhoi jets, coastal >patrol boats – and submarines. That kicked off a stiff competition between >French, German, Swedish, Russian and Dutch manufacturers, who in turn went >looking for the most effective cronies of the Malaysian leadership to help >them out. By 1995, according to document DC00078, DCN’s subsidiary Thales was >losing out to the German manufacturer Kockums AB, which was represented by >Amin Shah, dubbed “Malaysia’s Onassis” because of his business and shipping >interests, who was close to then-finance minister Daim Zainuddin and was >suspected of being a front man for Daim’s interests. > >French authorities seemed to counter by paying a “consultancy fee” according >to a handwritten document called a "Consultancy Agreement” signed in Kuala >Lumpur on Oct. 1, 1996 between DCN International representative Emmanel Aris >and a Malaysian Army major named Abdul Rahim Saad. The purpose was “to >reintroduce DCNI in the short list of tenders after it was rejected by the >Government of Malaysia” on Dec. 14, 1995, according to the French documents. > >The remuneration was to be paid in two lots, US$20,000 before Jan. 31, 1996, >and US$80,000 after acceptance. Apparently it was successful. Rahim is now >managing director of a company called ARS Sehajatera Sdn Bhd., which supplies >logistical equipment to the Malaysian armed forces. > >However, there are questions whether Rahim was ever paid. A memo found in the >DCN files said he “expresses discontent and proclaims his support for the >Agosta [the Spanish manufacturer of the Scorpenes for DCN] submarines since >1996 but he ‘has not had any news from DCNI to date.’ He says he organized >shady activities to promote the French bid…He complains of not having been >paid for his services.” > >Eventually, according to the documents, Amin Shah began to lose his influence >with the government after Daim Zainuddin left his position as finance >minister. DCN and its subsidiaries began casting around for other sources of >influence within the Malaysian government. > >An attempt to woo Tan Sri Razali Ismail, one of Malaysia’s most distinguished >diplomats, failed. “It was ultimately unsuccessful and Mr. Abdul Razak Baginda >was chosen in his place,” the documents note. “The role of the latter was to >facilitate the submission procedure to the Malaysian government and the >responsible ministers, in particular the Minister of Defense, with whom he >claimed to have a close relationship.” > >According to Document D000112, “…Razak Baginda has maintained excellent >relationships with the Defense Minister and Prime Minister. Moreover, his >wife, Mazlinda Makhzan, is a close friend of the Defense Minister’s wife. >Thus, Baginda has become the center of the network. Both companies are at the >center of this network: Terasasi, related to Baginda, and Perimekar, which was >initially controlled by Mohamad Ibrahim Mohamad Nor,” who was also close to >Daim Zainuddin. However, with Daim stepping down as finance minister after a >spat with Mahathir, Razak Baginda took over sole proprietorship of that >company through his wife. > >“The major defense contracts in Malaysia as in other countries require >substantial money transfers to individuals and/or [political] organizations,” >the document noted. “In Malaysia, other than individuals, the ruling party >[UMNO] is the largest beneficiary [rather than Perimekar, the company to which >the commission was directed]. Consultants [agents or companies] are often used >as a political network to facilitate such transfers and receive commissions >for their principals.” > >The Heart of the Deal > >Over the next few years, the documents show, as the contract came closer to >fruition Razak Baginda and Najib maneuvered in France to get the best possible >deal for themselves and UMNO, establishing a tangle of companies through which >funds would ultimately pass. > >Their activities included the founding of several companies including >Perimekar in 2000 as a vehicle to funnel the €114.9 million commission to >Razak Baginda and others, with Razak Baginda’s wife the principal shareholder. >The plan appears to have had the approval of Mahathir. A diplomatic cable to >Foreign Minister Juppe said, “The company chosen by the government for the >submarine project is…Perimekar. This choice is the subject of an official >notification from the Malaysian Ministry of Finance to the Ministry of >Defence... Note that this decision of the Ministry of Finance was taken while >the Prime Minister himself held the post of Minister of Finance, after the >departure of Tun Daim.” > >The French company appears to have had no illusions as to Perimekar’s >function. Documents note that “Perimekar was a limited liability company with >a capital of MR5 million (€1.4 million) of which 1 million is available. It >was created in August 1999 … it has no record of sales during 2000. Its >ownership is in the process of restructuring.” > >As Asia Sentinel has previously reported, document D00087 shows that Najib >demanded a US$1 billion “condition” for Perimekar Sdn Bhd’s “stay in France.” >The notes, however, don’t make it clear exactly what that means. The >information is contained in a note faxed from Francois Dupont, the Asian >representative of Thales International Asia, to his bosses but the notation in >the documents presented to the court doesn’t elaborate. Dupont indicated that >a meeting with Najib on July 14, 2001 would take place with the above >mentioned “condition” but it was not known if the meeting transpired. > >Along the way, Jasbir Singh Chahl, one of Razak Baginda’s associates at >Perimekar, decided he hadn’t been paid enough. In several memos to DCN, Jasbir >Chahl demanded a full fourth of Perimekar’s total €114.96 million. Despite >several demands, there is no indication that Chahl has ever been paid. He has >been subpoenaed as a witness in the case, but after first indicating to French >lawyers that he would cooperate, he has since said he knows nothing of the >affair. He is said to be extremely ill and suffering from some form of cancer. > >Other documents made public by Asia Sentinel earlier show that at least €36 >million flowed from the DCNS subsidiary to Terasasi Hong Kong Ltd., whose >principal officers are listed as Razak Baginda and his father. Najib was >defense minister from 1991 through the time when the submarines were delivered >in 2002. Terasasi only exists as a name on the wall of a Wanchai district >accounting firm in Hong Kong. > >RELATED DOCUMENTS: > >The French-Malaysian Submarine Scandal: the Documents > >The 133 official documents uploaded onto this website are from the >Directorate-General of the French National Police and the Judicial Police >Directorate’s anti-organized and financial crimes unit. They were presented to >a French anti-corruption court in May and June of 2011. Taken together, they >present –in French – the clearest picture to date of the two-decade campaign >by the French state-owned defense manufacturer DCN and its subsidiaries to >sell Scorpene submarines to the Malaysian Ministry of Defense. > >View the documents here. > > >[Non-text portions of this message have been removed] > > > > > [Non-text portions of this message have been removed] ------------------------------------ Post message: [email protected] Subscribe : [email protected] Unsubscribe : [email protected] List owner : [email protected] Homepage : http://proletar.8m.com/Yahoo! Groups Links <*> To visit your group on the web, go to: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/proletar/ <*> Your email settings: Individual Email | Traditional <*> To change settings online go to: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/proletar/join (Yahoo! ID required) <*> To change settings via email: [email protected] [email protected] <*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to: [email protected] <*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to: http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/
