http://www.asiasentinel.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=4683&Itemid=175

      Voters Cool on Veteran Jakarta Governor        
      Written by Our Correspondent  
      Thursday, 12 July 2012  

             
            Prabowo: Now Mr Nice Guy? 
      Race regarded as a proxy battle to foreshadow the 2014 Presidential race

      If the Jakarta governor’s race is being looked upon as a curtain-raiser 
for the Presidential election in 2014, the chances look pretty slim for 
additional reformasi at the top, as President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyhono once 
practiced it (or didn’t, as the case may be).

      Each of the country’s potential presidential candidates or principal 
parties backed a gubernatorial contender in a bid to demonstrate organizational 
and money-raising clout in yesterday's race. Joko Widodo, the popular mayor of 
the central Java city of Solo, pulled ahead of the incumbent, Fauzi Bowo, with 
43 percent of the vote against 34 percent for Fauzi. Although official results 
for the race, held yesterday, won’t be known for more than a week, several 
polling organizations have come up with largely the same totals. 

      With none of the candidates winning a majority in the six-way race, a 
runoff election will be necessary to decide the winner. 

      The one encouraging point to make is that while the Old Guard may be 
lining up for the presidential race, in fact the gubernatorial election had an 
interesting sidelight, according to a veteran political observer in Jakarta. Of 
the six candidates in the race, three were reformers – Jokowi, Nurhayat Wahid 
and Faisal Basrie. Together, the three of them finished first, third and fourth 
and garnered somewhere near 55 percent of the total vote, leaving the old guard 
behind. And if Jokowi can make anything like the headway he made in Solo, where 
he was credited with reviving a riot-scarred city, at least Jakarta comes out 
ahead. 

      Prabowo Subianto, the former head of Indonesia’s special forces unit 
Kopassus and the divorced son-in-law of the late strongman Suharto, was 
Widodo’s primary backer although he was a candidate of the Indonesian Party of 
Struggle, headed by former President Megawati Sukarnoputri.

      While Widodo, known universally as Jokowi, was named Indonesia’s best 
mayor in 2011 and is regarded as a reformer, having run a relatively clean and 
efficient government in Solo, a city of 520,000 people, Prabowo doesn’t enjoy 
nearly as sterling a reputation. While he has managed to rehabilitate his name 
somewhat after for involvement in human rights atrocities in both the attempt 
to keep Timor Leste in Indonesia and in the 1998 race riots that shook the 
country in the aftermath of the Asian Financial Crisis, he is firmly in the 
country’s Old Guard. 

      Prabowo heads the Great Indonesia Movement Party or Gerindra, He teamed 
with the Indonesian Party of Struggle (PDI-P) headed by former President 
Megawati Sukarnoputri At this point, Prabowo may well be the strongest 
presidential candidate despite condemnation of his 1998 activities. If there 
were such a thing as an Indonesian princeling, he would be it. He comes from a 
wealthy family and married into the Suharto clan. His father served as 
Suharto’s economics minister after having founded Bank Negara Indonesia in 
1946. 

      Despite Prabowo’s alleged involvement during the 1998 riots, when an 
estimated 1,000 Chinese died and more than 160 Chinese women were raped as army 
units ran wild in Jakarta, Solo and other cities, the Chinese are said to be 
slowly warming to him, partly because he is supposedly anti-Islamist and 
because he looks better to them than any of the other candidates. 

      In part that appears to be because Prabowo lured Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, 
an ethnic Chinese, from the Golkar Party headed by Aburizal Bakrie to be 
Jokowi’s running mate. 

      Thus, having engineered Jokowi’s candidacy and found him a Golkar running 
mate, Prabowo has made himself central to the gubernatorial race. 

      Fauzi Bowo, a member of Yudhoyono’s Democratic Party, had been expected 
to be the frontrunner. But the party is nearly paralyzed by a multimillion 
dollar scandal over the construction of the athletes village for last year’s 
Southeast Asian Games. Party officials all the way up to Anas Urbaningrum and 
possibly SBY himself have been implicated. The Corruption Eradication 
Commission is methodically picking its way through the mess and indicting and 
convicting officials as it goes. The fact that Fauzi did so badly is emblematic 
of the collapse of the party and its long-gone reformasi reputation. He is 
largely considered to have failed his five-year stint as governor in a city 
that is considered almost ungovernable because of burgeoning population growth 
and conflicting jurisdictions. 

      The major loser appears to be Aburizal Bakrie, the accused tax-dodging 
tycoon who heads Golkar. Bakrie backed Alex Noerdin, who got only 4.4 percent 
of the vote and finished fifth of the six candidates. He was hampered by an 
announcement that he was being investigated by the Corruption Eradication 
Commission on charges of financial misdealings in a previous office.

      The next thing to watch is the coalitions that will form between 
political parties. Prabowo must find a bigger horse to ride. Under the 2008 
presidential election law, candidates must be nominated by a party or coalition 
that won at least 25 percent of the popular vote.

      It certainly won’t be Golkar, which is headed by Bakrie, who has long 
since announced his intention to run for the presidency himself although he 
remains as deeply unpopular as Noerdin was in the current election.

      Likewise, the Democratic Party appears to have nearly collapsed in on 
itself as a result of the athletes’ village scandal and a slowly fading 
Yudhoyono, who seems nearly paralyzed politically at the top. Whatever is 
salvaged from the ruins of what in the 2009 election was the country’s biggest 
political party is liable to be no. 2 in a presidential coalition for the next 
race.

      Some political observers in Jakarta believe Prabowo could lead a 
PDI-P–Gerindra ticket, although the party’s old guard remains leery of him, 
preferring Megawati, whom most of the political establishment regard as a spent 
force, however. But Indonesia’s party politics are malleable to the extreme. 
With two years to go, the current ones could very well evanesce into something 
else entirely.
     


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