Asian chance after Annan
By RAMESH THAKUR
Special to The Japan Times
The term of Kofi Annan as U.N. secretary general (SG) expires Dec. 31,
2006. Countries and individuals have begun to position themselves to succeed
him. If Asians are to have a credible chance of filling what should rightfully
be their turn at the job, their discussions and negotiations in the next six to
12 months could prove crucial. The world's top diplomatic job is not an
entitlement to be claimed by a continent any more than by an individual, but a
trust to be earned.
Trygve Lie, the first SG, famously described his job as "the most impossible in
the world." It certainly seems impossible to fill to the satisfaction of all in
an increasingly fractious community of states. The SG is required to be a
politician, diplomat and international civil servant all rolled into one.
Because of the nature of the responsibilities and burdens placed on his
shoulders, the SG is bound to attract critical scrutiny and harsh judgment from
one quarter or another.
The job is trapped in several paradoxes. The SG is elected to office as an
individual, not as the representative of a government or a region, yet the
regions demand "their" turn at the office. He must have the backing of almost
all governments but owe no allegiance to any.
The SG is the chief advocate of law and rights, general manager of the global
agenda, and a focal point in setting the direction of world affairs. More than
any other individual, he is the personification of the international interest
and the voice of world conscience. His status, authority and powers come from
the U.N. Charter but depend also on his skills and personality and the state of
relations among the major powers.
Since the end of the Cold War, the SG has been looked to in many quarters
almost as an alternative voice of dissent in a U.S.-dominated United Nations,
when in fact the Cold War ended in a triumph of American values and destroyed
the institutional checks on the exercise of U.S. power globally. To be
effective, the SG must retain U.S. confidence at a time when a rampant United
States does not find it easy to brook opposition. But to be credible and
respected in the rest of the world, the SG must be able to demonstrate
independence of Washington.
The challenge has been only too apparent with respect to Iraq and the threats
from international terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. On all these, the
SG has often found himself in the eye of the storm, sometimes having to defend
the U.N. position against attacks from various quarters, at other times
capturing the mood of the U.N. collective interest ahead of any resolutions
adopted by its major political organs. He has also responded to the new
circumstances and challenges by initiating reforms and reviews, and indicating
new directions in which member states may wish to take the organization.
Is he the 192nd member state or the 16th member of the Security Council? On the
one hand, the SG's authority is less than that of a Cabinet minister. Member
states are his political bosses. His role is to assist and facilitate the
principal political organs in making informed and sound decisions, not to make
decisions himself; and then to implement their decisions faithfully and report
to them accordingly.
Thus the SG can raise uncomfortable questions but may not prescribe the correct
answer, influence events but not control them, and appeal to member states'
better instincts but not point the finger of judgment when they fall short.
He is expected to implement the most controversial of decisions with the most
scrupulous impartiality, exercising political judgment while avoiding the twin
temptations of inflating or deflating the role of the office.
On the other hand, the SG has greater authority than the head of a national
bureaucracy. He can expand his power and influence through allocating resources
among the departments and activities, appointing senior staff and mediating the
pulls and pressures of member states through creative interpretations that
privilege his own preferences and priorities.
When the Security Council and General Assembly are split, the SG can maneuver
his way through the divisions to advance his own priorities. He has the right
to be present and take part in the debates in the political organs and often
does. He provides the logistic and intellectual basis for many Security Council
and General Assembly resolutions. He is asked to submit reports and analyses on
a vast range of topics. He is at the nerve center of a sensitive communications
network. He often speaks directly to governments, civil society representatives
and business leaders.
In order to maximize his influence and expand his role, the SG must be
attentive and sensitive to five key constituencies and must demonstrate a grasp
and command of intergovernmental processes:
* He must ensure that his officials are in broad sympathy with his vision for
the organization, responsive to his wishes and commands, and motivated as well
capable and competent.
* He must retain the confidence of countries that constitute the voting
majority in the General Assembly.
* He must ensure he has the support of countries that control resources without
which the U.N. cannot implement its mandate and carry out necessary operations.
* He must be attentive to the priorities of those who control the Security
Council while remaining sensitive to the passions of the General Assembly.
* He must mobilize the support of civil society, which is a ready and powerful
resource and reservoir of political support and good will for the U.N..
Some look to the SG as the last line of defense of U.N. Charter principles.
This places an impossible burden on the world's top international civil
servant. If the Security Council is united, he cannot be an alternative voice
of dissent. If it is divided, he cannot be a substitute for inaction.
The SG must provide intellectual managerial ability, negotiating skill and the
ability to establish a rapport with an international audience. He must know
when to take the initiative to force an issue and when to maintain a tactful
silence; when courage is required and when reticence is welcome; and when
commitment to the U.N. vision must be balanced by a sense of proportion and
humor. The personal skills and attributes that are most crucial include
charisma, the ability to articulate bold visions and complex arguments in crisp
and clear sound bites, powerful oratory, the ability to listen and keep
confidences, an instinct for grasping the big picture without neglecting the
necessary details, and a strong sense of the demands and expectations of the
organization against the limits of the possible.
The single most important political role of the SG is to provide "soft"
leadership: the elusive ability to make others connect emotionally and
intellectually to a larger cause that transcends their immediate self-interest.
Asians must ensure they unite behind a competent and respected candidate.
Uniting behind a second- or third-best person, simply for the sake of group
relations, will cost them "their" turn and the respect of the rest of the
world. Failure to unite behind a good candidate because parochial or partisan
considerations trump enlightened collective vision will also cost them their
turn.
The qualities required of the SG are integrity, independence of mind and the
ability and willingness to set the collective interest of the U.N. above the
partisan interests of member states. If a country puts forward a candidate
based on ruling party affiliation rather than on an assessment of who the best
person for the job is, then that candidacy really should be rejected.
One final conundrum: So far the French have made it known that they would veto
any candidate for SG who did not speak French, and would prefer even English to
be spoken with a French accent. Whatever shall we do if Washington decides to
veto anyone who speaks French?
Ramesh Thakur is senior vice rector of the U.N. University in Tokyo. These are
his personal views.
The Japan Times: Aug. 22, 2005
(C) All rights reserved
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