>From Gaza to Syria, Palestinians lack protection

By Hasan Abu Nimah

Wednesday, 15 August 2012
Hasan Abu Nimah

It is not surprising that Israel, having usurped the Palestinians' land and 
expelled them, views their continued existence and resistance as an 
"existential threat". More shocking are some recent Arab attitudes towards the 
Palestinians.

Following the fall of the Saddam regime in Iraq almost a decade ago, 
Palestinian refugees in Iraq became the target of anger, incitement and 
vengeance of demagogues, allegedly on the grounds that the deposed Iraqi 
president treated them well. Feeling totally exposed to blatant revenge with no 
state protection, many of them fled for their lives after living in Iraq for 
decades. A similar fate befell Palestinians in Kuwait after the Iraqi invasion 
a decade earlier.

Could the same happen in Syria? The Palestinian refugees in Syria, about 
half-a-million, were the first to be accused of stirring unrest by one senior 
adviser of President Bashar Assad. There were obvious attempts to draw the 
Palestinians into the conflict to support the official Syrian narrative that 
the trouble was not a homegrown uprising, but rather an attack of foreign armed 
gangs acting as tools of foreign conspirators against Syrian stability and 
steadfastness. Some opposition groups tried, equally dubiously, to seize on 
specific incidents to claim that the Palestinian refugee population in Syria 
has risen up against the regime.

Few seem to understand that Palestinian refugees will have to live with 
whatever outcome transpires in Syria. As a population with no refuge or 
protection, Palestinians are safest remaining far outside the conflict.

Along the same lines, what is unfolding in Gaza is equally worrying. Besieged 
Gaza was the first to be blamed and instantly punished for the attack on a 
Sinai border police post which left 16 Egyptian soldiers dead late last week. 
The attack, deplorable and condemnable as it should be, was not the first of 
its kind, except for the larger number of deaths this time. In addition to the 
attacks on the soldiers, there have been numerous attacks on the pipeline 
carrying Egyptian gas to Israel and Jordan.

As a result of the restrictions placed by the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty on 
Egyptian military presence there, Sinai has been turned into a haven for 
extremist groups engaged in crime, smuggling and other illicit activities, 
including human trafficking.

The Egyptian people were rightly enraged by the loss of life and the lack of 
preparedness to meet the Sinai attack. But instead of demanding sober 
investigation followed by a strategy to address the issue and to restore state 
authority on all Sinai, some turned against the people of Gaza, accusing them 
of incubating terror and perpetrating the crime.

Much of the Egyptian media anger against their own state and their new 
president was not because the state had neglected the situation for so long, 
but because President Mohamed Morsi agreed to open the Rafah crossing (albeit 
briefly), ordered closed for years, again as a result of an Israeli demand. 
Morsi has been blamed for putting Palestinian interests ahead of Egypt's.

The Egyptian response to the attack, sending the army back to Sinai to restore 
order and to put an end to the chaos, was correct. Hopefully that should not be 
a temporary measure undertaken with Israeli permission for dealing with this 
particular atrocity. Egyptian security forces should have freedom on all 
Egyptian land.

What is difficult to comprehend, though, is the punishment of all the 
population of Gaza for the mere suspicion that some or all the criminals came 
from Gaza — even though Gaza is tightly closed and Egypt's Sinai is open on all 
sides.

Tightening the siege on Gaza by closing the Rafah crossing "permanently" and by 
destroying the tunnels is harsh, inhuman, irrational and legally wrong. Even if 
proven that all the criminals crossed from Gaza, only they and those who stood 
behind them should be punished. Collective punishment is something we associate 
with Israel's crimes, not something the new Egypt should do.

The situation in Gaza is abnormal. It has been so since 1948. No serious 
attempt was ever made to address that oddity. Israel complained all along that 
Gaza produced commando groups, "fedayeen", who infiltrated into Israel. Such 
allegations were used by Israel to justify its wars in 1956 and 1967, and its 
frequent bloody revenge attacks on civilians.

The narrow Gaza Strip, now with a population of 1.6 million, is among the most 
densely populated places on earth. Almost 80 per cent of the Gaza inhabitants 
are refugees who were forced out of other Palestinian towns and villages in the 
1948 Arab-Israeli war which ended up with the loss of 78 per cent of Palestine 
to Zionist invaders.

The tunnels between Gaza and Egypt are only a symptom of the current problem. 
They exist because of the Israeli-imposed siege, which has literally driven 
much of Gaza's commerce underground. At times, the tunnels were a real lifeline.

Everyone was silent about the tunnels out of hypocrisy, intimidation and fear 
of confronting the illegal siege and demanding its end. That is why the tunnels 
have been tolerated as an alternative. Now here are the consequences.

Israel's diktat that Sinai should be left outside the authority of Egyptian 
security forces freed the large peninsula for armed groups. And Israel's 
continued inhuman and illegal siege of Gaza has also created abnormal 
conditions with unforeseen consequences, such as the rise of extremist groups, 
arms smuggling and uncontrolled movement of people and goods open to all kinds 
of abuse.

Both Egypt and Israel have responded by addressing symptoms rather than root 
causes, therefore aggravating an already explosive situation.
The hundreds of tunnels were not dug because the people favoured them to 
regular and normal connection routes. They went underground to survive the 
siege. They will dig more if the destruction of existing tunnels is not 
immediately matched by providing the people under siege with legal and normal 
alternatives.

Yet, for all the changes in the region, the desperate situation of the 
Palestinians seemingly remains immune to positive change.

(The author is a columnist for the Jordan Times, where this article originally 
appeared on Tuesday, August 14)




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