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http://edition.cnn.com/2012/01/27/world/africa/analysis-nigeria-violence/index.html?iid=article_sidebar

 
Nigeria on edge as Islamist group extends campaign of violence - CNN.com

By Tim Lister, CNN
January 30, 2012 -- Updated 1350 GMT (2150 HKT)
        
CNN.com

(CNN) -- Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan has suddenly shifted his attitude 
toward the Islamist extremist group Boko Haram, as violence spreads across 
northern Nigeria.

A week ago, Jonathan warned the group had infiltrated the government and 
security forces and vowed (again) to stamp it out. But in an interview with 
Reuters news agency Thursday he said that if Boko Haram identified itself and 
stated clear demands the government was ready for dialogue. He also 
acknowledged that military action alone would not stop Boko Haram; and northern 
Nigeria needed economic development.

But Nigeria-watchers think this apparent carrot may have come too late. Boko 
Haram's purported leader, Abu Bakar Shekau, responded in an audio message: 
"We're killing police officers, we're killing soldiers and other government 
people who are fighting Allah; and Christians who are killing Muslims and 
talking badly about our Islamic religion."

Over the last month, Boko Haram has carried out multiple bombings and shootings 
across the north; hundreds of people have been killed. Its targets are 
frequently police and government officials, but most of the casualties are 
civilians. On one day last week, at least 200 people were killed in Nigeria's 
second city, Kano. (On Monday, militants launched new attacks.)

Who are the Boko Haram?

One Nigeria analyst describes the Kano attacks as a "breathtaking show of 
force" by Boko Haram -- one that fits a pattern of bolder and better 
coordinated attacks over the past year.

Joe Bavier, a writer who is a frequent visitor to the region, told CNN that the 
"federal government has completely lost control of the north-east, despite 
deploying thousands of troops and establishing a Joint Task Force." Now, he 
says, "it looks like this insurgency has broken out of the north-east." And 
what's worrying, he says, is that there's "not a whole lot of visible effort 
from the federal government to calm things down."
Nigerian police battle new attacks
Have militants found Nigeria's flaw?
Atmosphere tense after Kano attacks
Christians warned to leave Nigeria

Nigerian iReporters on uncertain present, and future

Philippe de Pontet, Africa analyst at the Eurasia Group, says that Boko Haram's 
main aim appears to be humiliate Jonathan's government, tapping into an 
existing sense of grievance among Muslims in the north. He and other analysts 
say the government's heavy-handed response has played into Boko Haram's hands.

"The impulse is to hit back hard and there are political pressures for a 
crackdown," de Pontet argues, "but Jonathan is so weak in the north that he 
needs to be careful not to alienate people there further."

Long the poorer part of Nigeria, the north lacks infrastructure such as 
reliable power. Since the end of military rule much of the region has felt 
excluded from the system of patronage that fuels Nigerian politics. When he 
acceded to the presidency in April last year, Jonathan broke the unofficial 
rotation of Christian and Muslim as head of state.

Goodluck Jonathan: Nigeria's embattled president

Bavier, who is with the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting, says poverty has 
fed Boko Haram's ranks. It is no longer a sect of Islamic fanatics but has the 
support of disgruntled politicians and their paid thugs.

One source says young men are being paid as little as $2 a day to take part in 
the group's attacks.

Compounding the situation, the government has so far treated Boko Haram as a 
security problem rather than a political problem. Because of a lack of trust, 
security forces find it hard to gather actionable intelligence and different 
security branches often compete with each other rather than share information.

A former U.S. ambassador to Nigeria, John Campbell, says the response of the 
security forces so far has been "abysmal" -- which is probably why the 
inspector-general of police was fired this week. The State Security Service is 
probably the most competent branch, he says, but doesn't share intelligence.

Bavier agrees: "The security and intelligence apparatus is entirely 
stove-piped."

The scale of the attacks, and the subsequent discovery by police of new pick-up 
trucks in Kano wired to explode, suggests Boko Haram is not short of money. 
That in turn sparks another debate. Some analysts believe it is financing its 
activities through extortion and bank robberies. But the Nigerian government, 
the United Nations and U.S. officials say there is evidence Boko Haram is part 
of a wider west African jihadist movement, and has developed links with al 
Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb.

A U.N. report issued last week says arms smuggling throughout the region in the 
wake of the Libyan revolution is rampant. "Large quantities of weapons and 
ammunition from Libyan stockpiles were smuggled into the Sahel region," the 
report said. The weapons included rocket-propelled grenades, explosives and 
even anti-aircraft artillery.

"Some of the weapons may be hidden in the desert and could be sold to terrorist 
groups like al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, Boko Haram or other criminal 
organizations," the U.N. report said.

Philippe de Pontet of Eurasia says the increasing use of suicide bombings 
"speak to the real possibility that this movement is getting support, training 
and possibly finance from outside." But, he says, Boko Haram did not grow out 
of al Qaeda; nor is there any evidence of foreign fighters among its ranks.

Campbell agrees, noting that its recent statements have not included jihadist 
slogans or anti-western rhetoric. While contacts with other groups are 
possible, there is no indication of close co-ordination.

The U.N. report notes that "although Boko Haram has concentrated its terrorist 
acts inside Nigeria, seven of its members were arrested while transiting 
through Niger to Mali." They were allegedly carrying contact details for known 
al Qaeda members.

Just as the jury is out on Boko Haram's relationship with global jihad, so 
there is great uncertainty about its aims and structure. Different spokesmen 
focus on different demands, and government officials have said there is no 
leadership or manifesto they can address.

Last month, one Boko Haram spokesman demanded all Christians leave the north 
within three days, and a subsequent video made by Abu Bakr Shekau, railed 
against Christians. "They killed us, destroyed our mosques and displaced us," 
he said. "The Christian religion that you are practicing is not the religion of 
Allah; rather -- it is unbelief."

But John Campbell, now with the Council on Foreign Relations and author of 
"Nigeria: Dancing on the Brink," says it would be simplistic to regard Boko 
Haram as a cohesive group motivated mainly by animosity for Christians. There 
is a strand that follows the strict version of Islam preached by its founder, 
Mohammed Yousuf; there are opportunists who rob banks and traffic arms; and 
there are northern politicians drawing on the discontent that Boko Haram 
represents.

Campbell and Bavier also point out that Boko Haram has frequently attacked 
figures in the wealthy Muslim establishment too -- accusing them of selling out 
to the federal government and not adhering to Sharia law. Bavier says many of 
the poor regard the traditional Muslim hierarchy as complicit in their misery. 
After the 2011 elections, crowds attacked and burned down the home of the 
Sultan of Sokoto, a pillar of the Muslim hierarchy who had supported Jonathan.

Even if Boko Haram's aim is not to split Nigeria into religious camps, the 
effect of its violent attacks could be hugely divisive, according to de Pontet. 
"If they continue to escalate," he says, "they could tear apart the ethnic and 
sectarian tapestry of Nigeria in slow motion."

Despite its many problems, Nigeria has natural wealth and a growth rate of 7%. 
Boko Haram is unlikely to have much impact on the broader economy, but 
Nigeria's boom is concentrated in the south and may lead to even greater 
inequality, and a still greater sense of grievance among the marginalized 
Muslim communities in the north.

Jonathan's olive branch may be intended to avoid that risk. But there is 
considerable political pressure on him not to make concessions to terrorists. 
And there is every sign that some elements of Boko Haram prefer a future of 
extortion -- and explosions.
© 2012 Cable News Network. Turner Broadcasting System, Inc. All Rights Reserved.
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