FYI

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How Saudi petrodollars fuel rise of Salafism
By Marc DAOU the 29/09/2012 - 16:49

Since the 2011 Arab revolts, a loose network of underground zealots has evolved 
into a potent and highly vocal force. Behind the remarkable rise of Salafism 
lies the world's leading producer of oil – and extremist Islam: Saudi Arabia.

When protesters incensed by an anti-Muslim video scaled the walls of the US 
embassy in Cairo on September 11, tearing down the Stars and Stripes, a black 
flag could be seen floating above the battered compound. From Sanaa, in Yemen, 
to Libya's Benghazi, the same black banner, emblem of the Salafists, soon 
became a ubiquitous sight as anti-US protests spread like wildfire across the 
Arab world. The 2011 Arab uprisings have served the Salafists well. With the 
old dictators gone, a once subterranean network of hardliners has sprung into 
prominence – funded by a wealthy Gulf patron locked in a post-Arab Spring 
rivalry with a fellow Gulf monarchy.

The `predecessors'

A puritanical branch of Islam, Salafism advocates a strict, literalist 
interpretation of the Koran and a return to the practices of the "Salaf" (the 
predecessors), as the Prophet Mohammed and his disciples are known. While 
Salafist groups can differ widely, from the peaceful, quietist kind to the more 
violent clusters, it is the latter who have attracted most attention in recent 
months.

In Libya and Mali, radical Salafists have been busy destroying ancient shrines 
built by more moderate groups, such as Sufi Muslims. Fellow extremists in 
Tunisia have tried to silence secular media and destroy "heretical" artwork. 
And the presence of Salafist fighting units in Syria has been largely 
documented. Less well known is who is paying for all this – and why.

`Export-Wahhabism'

For regional experts, diplomats and intelligence services, the answer to the 
first question lies in the seemingly endless flow of petrodollars coming from 
oil-rich Saudi Arabia. "There is plenty of evidence pointing to the fact that 
Saudi money is financing the various Salafist groups," said Samir Amghar, 
author of "Le salafisme d'aujourd'hui. Mouvements sectaires en Occident" 
(Contemporary Salafism: Sectarian movement in the West).

According to Antoine Basbous, who heads the Paris-based Observatory of Arab 
Countries, "the Salafism we hear about in Mali and North Africa is in fact the 
export version of Wahhabism," a conservative branch of Sunni Islam actively 
promoted and practised by Saudi Arabia's ruling family. Since the 1970s oil 
crises provided the ruling House of Saud with a seemingly endless supply of 
cash, "the Saudis have been financing [Wahhabism] around the world to the tune 
of several million euros," Basbous told FRANCE 24.

Opaque channels

Not all of the cash comes from Saudi state coffers. "Traditionally, the money 
is handed out by members of the royal family, businessmen or religious leaders, 
and channelled via Muslim charities and humanitarian organizations," said Karim 
Sader, a political analyst who specializes in the Gulf states, in an interview 
with FRANCE 24.

Until the Arab Spring revolts upended the region's political landscape, these 
hidden channels enabled the Salafists' Saudi patrons to circumvent the 
authoritarian regimes who were bent on crushing all Islamist groups. These were 
the same opaque channels that allegedly supplied arms to extremist groups, 
particularly in Pakistan and Afghanistan, according to Western intelligence 
officials.

Free education

Other, slightly less shadowy recipients of Saudi petrodollars include the 
numerous religious institutions built around the Arab world to preach Wahhabi 
Islam, as well as the growing list of Saudi satellite channels that provide a 
platform for radical Salafist preachers. A large share of the booty also goes 
to Arab students attending religious courses at the kingdom's universities in 
Medina, Riyadh and the Mecca.

"Most of the students at Medina University are foreigners who benefit from 
generous scholarships handed out by Saudi patrons, as well as free 
accommodation and plane tickets," said Amghar. "Once they have graduated, the 
brightest are hired by the Saudi monarchy, while the rest return to their 
respective countries to preach Wahhabi Islam". According to Amghar, the members 
of France's nascent Salafist movement follow a similar path.

Direct funding

Exporting its own brand of Islam is not the only item on Saudi Arabia's foreign 
policy agenda. "While they see themselves as the guardians of Islamic doctrine 
and have always generously financed Muslim missionaries, the Saudis' priority 
is not to `salafise' the Muslim world," explained Amghar. "Their real aim is to 
consolidate their political and ideological influence by establishing a network 
of supporters capable of defending the kingdom's strategic and economic 
interests."

Since last year's Arab revolutions, these supporters have benefited from more 
direct – and politically motivated – funding. "With the region's former 
dictators out of the way, Salafist groups have evolved into well-established 
parties benefiting from more official Saudi aid," said Sader, pointing to the 
spectacular rise of Egypt's al-Nour party, which picked up a surprising 24% of 
the vote in January's parliamentary polls.

"The Saudis were genuinely surprised by the Arab Spring revolts," said 
Mohamed-Ali Adraoui, a political analyst who specialises in the Muslim world. 
"Riyadh's response was to back certain Salafist groups (...) so that it may 
gain further clout in their respective countries," Adraoui told FRANCE 24.

Gulf rivalries

The Saudi strategy is similar to that adopted by its arch Gulf rival Qatar - a 
smaller but equally oil-rich kingdom - in its dealings with the Muslim 
Brotherhood, the other great beneficiary of the Arab Spring. "When it comes to 
financing Islamist parties, there is intense competition between Qatar and 
Saudi Arabia," said Sader. "While the smaller emirate pours its endless wealth 
on the more moderate and urbanised Muslim Brootherhood, members of the Saudi 
royal family tend to aim their petrodollars at the poorer, rural constituencies 
that form the backbone of the Salafist support."

According to Amghar, Saudi Arabia, a key US ally, has another, more pragmatic 
reason to support the Salafists. "Having long turned a blind eye to the 
generous funding of all sorts of violent jihadist groups by members of the 
Saudi establishment, the royal family began exercising closer control in the 
wake of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks," he says. By restricting its 
financing to more controllable groups based outside its borders, such as the 
Salafists, "Saudi Arabia ensures it will not be threatened by home-grown 
jihadists on its soil". As Amghar concludes, that might explain why there were 
no protesters, let alone any black flags, outside the US embassy in Riyadh this 
month.
Source URL: 
http://www.france24.com/en/20120929-how-saudi-arabia-petrodollars-finance-salafist-winter-islamism-wahhabism-egypt




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