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http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2013/03/201337112254932820.html       
 
         
Hazara Shia hounded in Pakistan

More than 180 Hazara Shia have been killed since January in what they say is an 
atmosphere of impunity and hatred.
Asad Hashim Last Modified: 08 Mar 2013 10:06
On February 16 a deadly bombing on a market left at least 84 people dead [Asad 
Hashim/Al Jazeera]

Quetta, Pakistan - In the shadow of the Koh-e-Murdar mountain, in a graveyard 
nestled in the eastern corner of the Pakistani city of Quetta, the Hazara Shia 
mourn their dead.

Row upon row of etched marble gravestones stand testament to the sustained 
targeted campaign of killings carried out against this community by the 
Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), an armed pro-Sunni group that, though banned by the 
government, operates with impunity in the city and elsewhere.

Over the last 12 years, community leaders say, more than 1,200 Hazara have been 
killed in shootings and bombings in the southwestern province of Balochistan, 
of which Quetta is the capital. They have been targeted in their shops and 
offices, at vegetable markets and in their places of worship. In some of the 
most horrific attacks, gunmen have stopped buses, identified Hazaras by their 
features and names, and shot them at point-blank range on the side of the road.

In 2012, the LeJ issued a warning to the Hazara: leave Quetta by the end of the 
year or face death.

After killing more than 125 Hazara that year, the LeJ seems determined to make 
good on its promise: more than 180 Hazara Shia have been killed in two huge 
bombings and a series of targeted gun attacks in the first two months of 2013 
alone.

"We exist now at God's pleasure. We can rely on nothing else," says Muhammad 
Ibrahim, whose three sons were killed in a recent bombing that killed at least 
84 people. "We are so nervous and worried [at these attacks], and I can't 
understand what is happening. We have lost so much. I do not know what the 
future holds."

"We do not see any ray of hope for things to get better," says Abdul Khalique 
Hazara, the chairman of the Hazara Democratic Party (HDP). "The group that is 
claiming these killings are Pakistanis: they are within Pakistan, they have ID 
cards, they are citizens of this country. And they are a banned organisation. 
But it is the misfortune of this country that those who are banned are never 
acted against by the government and intelligence agencies."

Musarrat Hussain, vice-president of the Balochistan Shia Conference (BSC), says 
the failure to protect the Hazara amounts to a failure of the state in its 
basic duties.

"The government is responsible for securing the life, property, education and 
health [of citizens]. They must provide these things, and they cannot 
compromise on this," he told Al Jazeera. "It is their basic duty, and our 
fundamental right."

Citing "government negligence", Qayyum Changaizee, the acting chief of the 
Quetta Unity Council and head of the Hazara Qaumi Jirga, agrees. "The amount of 
money that they have given in compensation after these tragedies, if they spent 
even half of it on the security services, giving them the proper equipment, 
support [and backing to carry out operations], then these tragedies would never 
happen," he told Al Jazeera.

A community isolated

The LeJ's campaign has isolated the Hazara to two main residential areas in 
Quetta, members of the community say: Alamdar Road in the east, and Hazara Town 
in the west. Having initially migrated to Balochistan fleeing persecution in 
Afghanistan in the 1880s, it seems the community is once again being pushed 
towards isolation.

Tayyab Ali, a Hazara whose family has been running a successful agricultural 
supplies business for decades, told Al Jazeera that he and his relatives try to 
leave the area around their house on Alamdar Road as little as possible. 
Conditions have gotten so bad, he said, that they have been forced to close 
their shop.
Muhammad Ishaq, far right, who lost five family members in the Hazara Town 
bombing, including his wife and two children[Asad Hashim/Al Jazeera]

Ali's story is not atypical - community leaders say attendance of Hazara 
students at Balochistan University has dropped by more than 80 percent. The 
Hazara, a generally well-educated and economically successful community, also 
own many businesses in the city and hold positions in the civil bureaucracy. 
Those who own shops in the main business districts, however, say they have been 
forced to close their establishments after several business owners were shot. 
Members of the civil bureaucracy, meanwhile, have requested transfers to 
offices closer to their areas, or been granted extended leave, documents 
obtained by Al Jazeera show.

"From primary education to universities, the doors to educational institutions 
are being closed to us," says Changaizee. "We cannot go there. The IT 
university is outside our area. Students who do go have been attacked. We can't 
even think of going to Balochistan University - it is on Saryab Road [an area 
believed to be an LeJ stronghold]. The doors to provincial government jobs have 
been closed to us as well. So they are cutting us off."

The government's response to the situation seems to be to further cement that 
isolation: after the last bombing, paramilitary Frontier Corps troops started 
to build walls and place barbed wire around the entrance points to Alamdar Road 
and Hazara Town.

Hazaras say they fear the walls will isolate them still further.

"This will only increase hatred," says Muhammad Ishaq, who lost five family 
members, including his wife and two children, in the bombing in Hazara Town. 
"This way, even those who would stand with us are being separated from us."

Hasan Khan, a former local council leader and an ethnic Pashtun resident of the 
Alamdar Road area, agreed, telling Al Jazeera the wall would separate people 
from one another and "increase hatred and misunderstandings".

Yet the seeds of that discord have, it seems, already been sown. Several 
Pashtun residents of Hazara neighbourhoods raised objections to the wall to Al 
Jazeera - but their concern was less that they were being separated from the 
Hazara, and more that they were being "shut in" with them.

Kamran Naeem, one such resident, said while he was firmly against any attacks 
on them, the Hazara "segregate themselves" and "do not have tolerance for other 
people". He asserted that after attacks on their community, Hazaras had carried 
out "revenge attacks" on Sunni Muslims, particularly clerics, in these areas.

Ghulam Jaan, a Pashtun who runs a gym in the area, echoed those concerns, 
saying armed Hazara youth set up checkpoints around their area after attacks, 
"harassing" people of other ethnicities.

It is a charge Hazara community leaders do not deny, though they do say they 
condemn any acts of violence carried out by such youths.

"We are peaceful people ... Yes, there are some young [Hazaras who do this], 
and you can't stop them all," said Dr Ruqaiya Hashmi, a Hazara who is a member 
of the provincial assembly. "After three or four people have been killed from 
every home [over the years], then there is going to be a reaction. It is only 
human."

'Targeted operation'

The real need, Hazara leaders say, is for a targeted operation against the 
Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and those in the government and security services who they 
allege are complicit in these attacks.

Though Hazara say the government has failed to perform a basic duty, they also 
believe the government has the capacity to protect them.

"Our law enforcement agencies are not so weak ... It is simply a lack of will. 
They don't have the will to pursue the banned organisations in a targeted 
operation," says Khalique Hazara, the HDP leader.

Khalique and other community leaders pointed to several killings, including the 
latest bombings, where the attackers passed through Frontier Corps security 
checkpoints without being stopped - both before and after said attacks - as 
proof of the security services' complicity.

"Instead of [walling us in in our areas], you should do a targeted operation 
according to the constitution. Act against those bloodthirsty few who are 
spreading religious extremism. Clean Quetta of these elements. All of Quetta's 
citizens are disturbed by these targeted killings," he said.
Graves of those killed in targeted attacks at the Bibi Zainab Graveyard, Quetta 
[Asad Hashim/Al Jazeera]

Changaizee says that while the government has made many promises, it has 
consistently failed to follow through.

"When security plans are made by the police or home department, they are quite 
comprehensive, perhaps 50 or 100 pages long. But on the ground? It's nothing," 
he said.

The provincial authorities firmly deny this charge, pointing to an operation 
launched after the February 16 bombing that resulted in the deaths of four 
people and arrest of seven others, all of whom were said to be LeJ fighters.

Akbar Durrani, the provincial home secretary, told Al Jazeera that his 
department and the police had also launched an operation to crack down on hate 
literature and had tightened controls on the transport and sale of chemicals 
and explosives that could be used in such attacks.

"For a community that is under attack, it is natural for them to have their own 
point of view on attacks," he said. "But even in the January 10 bombing [on 
Alamdar Road], some of the first casualties were the seven police officers who 
ran to the scene after the initial explosion … Which government would create a 
situation like this?"

As for allegations that Frontier Corps and police have not responded to 
shooting incidents in markets and elsewhere, Durrani said police "may have 
thought the firing was celebratory. Such aerial firing is a tradition here. But 
there is no complicity". Community leaders among the Hazara, however, are not 
convinced. They warn that unless the government action results in the attacks 
ceasing, things could get worse - on both sides.

"I say this openly, that if the government cannot control the city, then they 
should empower us as citizens, as a nation, to protect ourselves," says Agha, 
the chief of the BSC. The BSC has also stated that if it were to receive a 
decree from the head of its order of Islamic jurisprudence, the Agha of Sistan, 
then it would be prepared to take up arms against the LeJ.

The HDP, meanwhile, says a campaign against religious intolerance, focused on 
the clerics who spread such beliefs, is needed in addition to operations 
against the LeJ.

"When the revolution of Afghanistan happened, the government was gone and there 
was chaos for 40 years. We are thinking now that if these killings in Pakistan 
are not stopped now, matters will be out of everyone's control. This is not 
just about the Hazara," said Khalique Hazara.

Meanwhile, at the Bibi Zainab graveyard, bodies continue to arrive. Each 
gravestone tells a tale - of the youth activist who refused to leave his 
community despite receiving death threats, the police officer killed when he 
ran to the site of an explosion only to be killed by a secondary blast, the two 
brothers killed while waiting in line at the passport office.

Locals say Koh-e-Murdar, the mountain towering over the graveyard, was 
originally named Koh-e-Mordar - "mountain of peacocks" in Farsi. But over the 
centuries the "or" has been softened, turning it into Koh-e-Murdar - the 
mountain of death. After the first major bomb attack this year, a Hazara 
activist told Al Jazeera that the Hazara protest sit-in where they refused to 
bury their dead was held, in part, because "there is no space left in the 
graveyards".

What becomes frighteningly clear, however, on visiting the shadow of 
Koh-e-Murdar, is how much space there still remains for Hazaras to be buried in.

An extended version of this report will appear in the Al Jazeera magazine on 
March 25.

Follow Asad Hashim on Twitter: @AsadHashim
Source:
Al Jazeera




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