Masih mau nyalahin kafir yang mengacau dar al-Islam?
Agar jelas: Islam itu sinonim dengan kekacauan...
Dengan darah yang bersimbah..
Syiah dan sunni itu sudah saling menindas dan saling berbunuhan sejak permulaan
sejarah Islam.
Di seantaro dar al-Islam.
Sementara itu, sekarang ini, kafir di dar al Kufr giat menegakkkan perdamaian.
Negara kafir di Eropa Barat sudah enam puluh lima tahun tidak saling menyerang
lagi.
Dan sekarang Obama dan Xi berjabatan tangan
Korea Utara dan Korea Selatan juga mulai cari jalan damai...
Sedangkan RRT dan India yang abad yagn lalu suka memalu genderang
perang sekarang juga sudah berjabatan tangan..
Agar jelas..
Adalah bodoh untuk terus ngotot mau memeluk agama najis Islam yang ajarannnya
bukan saja dungu, tapi juga buas, kejam, keji, zalim lagi biadab..
Adalah dungu buat ngimpi mau menegakkkan kembali khilafah.
Sekali lagi: Islam itu adalah malapetakan untuk ummat manusia,
artinya juga malapetaka untuk orang Islam sendiri.
Agar Indonesia itu bisa segera menjadi bahagian dari dar al-Amn, orang
Indonesia kudu bergegas mencampakkan agama najis Islamitu jauh-jauh ..
---
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2013/06/2013615115015272727.html
Lebanon's Sunnis search for a saviour
As the Syrian conflict spills over, the Sunni community in Lebanon finds itself
lacking leadership.
Nour SamahaLast Modified: 15 Jun 2013 14:31
Sunni militants have been clashing with pro-Hezbollah militants in Tripoli,
Lebanon [AFP/Getty]
Tripoli, Lebanon: As this country
becomes more embroiled in Syria's conflict, the power struggle to fill
the leadership vacuum within the Sunni community is intensifying,
further exacerbating violent confrontations.
The past few months have witnessed escalating tensions in several
hotspots across the country, primarily in the northern city of Tripoli,
the eastern town of Arsal, and the southern city of Sidon.
Two weeks ago, 31 people were left dead and a further 200 wounded in
the worst of the violence in the northern city of Tripoli after fighting
between the Sunni-dominated neighbourhood of Bab el Tabbaneh and the
Alawite-dominated neighbourhood of Jabal Mohsen.
Spotlight
In-depth coverage of escalating violence across Syria
Earlier this week, the sense of unease was heightened following the
assassination of a resident of Arsal - a Sunni town in the Bekaa Valley
considered a gateway between Lebanon and Syria for Syrian rebels and
Lebanese supporters of the armed opposition. Officials in the town said
the assassination occurred during an ambush led by pro-Hezbollah groups
in the area.
On the same day, Arsal also bore the brunt of several rocket attacks
by the Syrian air force, in what President Bashar al-Assad's military
said was an attempt to root out "terrorists".
Arsal is also where several Lebanese soldiers were killed in two
attacks by armed gunmen - who reportedly fled to Syria - while operating a
checkpoint on the outskirts of the town.
In Sidon, the emergence of Ahmed al-Assir, a provocative Sunni
cleric, has increased tensions in the mixed southern city. Here, violent
confrontations have raged between supporters of the preacher, the
authorities, and supporters of Lebanon's Shia movement, Hezbollah.
While these clashes and attacks do have links to the civil war
currently taking place in neighbouring Syria, the situation on the
ground also reveals a multifaceted battle, as new Sunni power centres
emerge from the sidelines to fight for the leadership of one of
Lebanon's largest minorities.
'No-one represents us'
There has been a clear shift in support from mainstream politicians
to either religious figureheads usually found on the fringes of society, or
street leaders who can offer physical protection in the absence of
the state and its institutions.
"No-one represents us anymore, the politicians now are benefiting
from the situation and using us," Tarek al-Zabye, a resident of
Tripoli's Bab al Tabbaneh neighbourhood, told Al Jazeera. "Today, I feel like
the only people who are protecting me are the Salafists."
Zabye, whose house is located on Syria Street, the frontline of the
fierce battles between Bab al Tabbaneh and Jabal Mohsen, pointed out
that, while he supports the Salafists, he is not an ideologue.
"I go out, I drink, I'm not a 'Salafist', but I support their actions because I
know they're working to protect us from the others."
Speaking from his home in the heart of Abi Samra overlooking the city of
Tripoli, Salafist cleric, Dai al-Islam al-Shahhal, told Al Jazeera
the Sunni community was "becoming convinced with our beliefs", hence the
increase in support over the past two years.
"The targeting of the Sunnis in Lebanon with the Safawi project is
what has led them to this choice," he said, referring to Hezbollah and
its ally, Iran.
"We are doing what millions fail to do; we won't accept shame on us,
and we tell the Sunnis of Lebanon to join forces to fight the Safawi
project," adding that there were elements within Lebanon's security
establishment supportive of "the Iranian agenda".
This sentiment has been repeated with increasing frequency by the
Salafist cleric and others, accusing the army of working against the
Sunnis, especially in the areas of Tripoli, Sidon, and Arsal.
Shahhal, a controversial figure due to his fiery rhetoric against
Hezbollah, sees his role being one of the only viable leaders and
protectors of the Sunnis in Lebanon.
"[The Sunnis] see the political leaders as weak," he said. "Today, the pulse of
the street in Lebanon is with the Salafists."
Tripoli is statistically one of Lebanon's poorest cities, as a UN
report in 2012 pointed out, where 51 percent of the population live
below the poverty line, on an average of $4 a day.
Many accuse politicians in the area of profiting from the poverty
- creating armed groups to serve their own purposes and consolidating
power through the violence that sporadically flares.
"They are keeping people poor here so they can control them and
create mercenaries to fight their battles on our streets," Rashid
al-Rashid, a business owner in the city center, told Al Jazeera.
"One hundred shells wouldn't open the battle [in Tripoli's
neighbourhoods] unless there is political will," he said. "What is
happening in Tripoli now is extremely dangerous."
While armed groups have seemingly always been present in Tripoli,
these groups are said to have increased in size and numbers over the
past two years, creating a shift in the balance of power between them
and the politicians.
"What you have on the streets of Tripoli today are two main groups;
the Salafist-Islamist groups, and the others who are neighbourhood
'thugs', who take their legitimacy through protecting the area,"
explained Mazen el Sayed, head of Arab and International Affairs at the
Lebanese news site Al Modon.
Previously said to be working at the behest of certain politicians,
today these armed groups have the upper hand due to the lack of coherent
political leadership within the Sunni community, as residents look to
them for protection.
This was confirmed by a fighter from Bab al Tabbaneh, who told Al
Jazeera: "We don't answer to anyone and we don't belong to anyone. We
protect our own streets and neighbourhoods."
"[The armed groups] have the upper hand in negotiations now," said
Sayed. "They don't like the politicians, but they see them as
facilitators, and now the climate is chaotic enough to use them."
>From Harirism to Salafism
The gradual decline of Sunni leadership began in the aftermath of the 2005
assassination of former prime minister Rafic Hariri, deemed by
many here to "the last true Sunni leader".
According to Sayed, Hariri was seen as "a true statesman who wasn't
necessarily positioning the Sunni street against others, but rather
promoting the 'suit and tie' image".
Lebanon warns Syria over helicopter raid
Following his assassination, the Sunni community looked to Saad
Hariri, the prime minister's son, for protection and representation -
but what was deemed to be weak leadership skills followed by his
self-imposed exile to Saudi Arabia in 2011 left many in the community
feeling let down and leaderless, as they witnessed the rise of their
political opponents, Hezbollah.
This was further compounded by the violence in Syria, where many saw
the passive approach of politicians as a failure to show solidarity with the
Syrian people.
"This left a vacuum for the Islamist organisations which were
involved in humanitarian work and later militarily, to garner support,"
said Sayed, adding that the rhetoric shifted from political talk to
sectarian divisiveness.
The fear of "the other" within Sunni circles moved from focusing on
Hezbollah as a military-political party, whose weapons have been
perceived as a threat to stability in the country, to the Shia community who,
backed by Iran, appeared to some here to be attempting to impose
an Iranian-Shia hegemony on the region.
This particular rhetoric has been touted by various groups emerging in the
battle for Sunni leadership.
Today, the players are the traditional Salafists, such as Shahhal,
who are institutional and academic, and the neo-Salafists, such as
Sidon's Sunni cleric Assir, who rose to fame bringing Sidon to a
standstill last year through his demonstrations against Hezbollah.
"Neo-Salafism is not based on any theological credentials," said
Sayed. "Instead, it is playing in the fields of populism and
sectarianism, and trying to capture the heat of the moment.
"A lot of people would follow the neo-Salafists because they don't
necessarily want to take a position in the religious spectrum, but
rather in the sectarian spectrum."
'Free Resistance Brigades'
Assir on Friday called for his supporters to be prepared for a war "in the
coming days, maybe hours".
Sitting in his home the day before, he told Al Jazeera that the shift from
mainstream leaders to populist leaders such as himself came as a
result of the Sunni community sensing "a true grudge against them, the
proof of which is what is happening in Syria".
Assir has been hitting the headlines in recent months after his
repeated road blocks, much to the ire of Sidon's business community,
coupled with his attempts to storm some Shia apartments in the area to
kick out "the weapons of Hezbollah and Iran".
Confrontations have also turned violent when his supporters clashed
with authorities and groups supportive of Hezbollah in Sidon.
He also accuses Lebanon's military establishment of having been
"seized by Hezbollah and Iran", adding that the people "sense this".
As a result, he has established his own armed group, calling on Sunnis to join
the "Free Resistance Brigades".
"We spent a year protesting in peace, asking for all the arms of
Hezbollah [to] be in the hands of the government, but when the arms of
Hezbollah are stronger than the government, nothing can be done," he
said.
For him, they reached a dead-end. "The government cannot protect us,
and that's why we've declared an armed group, even if it means starting
from scratch."
Working towards eliminating "the Iranian project" in Lebanon
allegedly aimed at targeting the Sunnis, Assir has put his military plan into
action.
According to him, the Free Resistance Brigades are made up of cells
of five to six men who are locally trained, and have been asked by Assir to
acquire weapons "in a secret way, to defend themselves".
"Right now this is just happening in Sidon," he said. "But we have
followers elsewhere, and once we're done with Sidon, then we will
prepare people outside."
Despite the declarations of protection and representation by the
differing groups present within the Sunni community, for Ahmed Yassin, a
41-year-old Sidon resident, there is still no legitimate
representative, and the security situation continues to deteriorate.
"On the street, we are fighting each other," he said. "As leaders,
they are supported to represent the Sunni street in unison. They are
not."
"They are not working in the interest of the country, but
rather for their own interests - and all these leaders, both political
and religious, are now colliding with each other."
Follow Nour Samaha on Twitter: @Nour_Samaha
Source:
Al Jazeera
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