FYI

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Viewpoint: Are US-North Korea talks possible?By Andrea Berger Royal United 
Services Institute  
 North Korea says it will not talk until all UN sanctions against it have been 
repealed 
Continue reading the main story 

While North Korean rhetoric appears to be finally tapering off, tensions on 
the Korean Peninsula persist. In a matter of only a few weeks, the Kim 
regime has unravelled two of the greatest successes of detente with its 
adversaries. 
Pyongyang announced that it would restart production of 
plutonium for nuclear weapons at its Yongbyon reactor, whose cooling 
tower was famously demolished in 2008 as part of its commitment to the 
six-party talks. 
More recently, it has withdrawn from the joint Kaesong Industrial Zone with 
South Korea.
These developments serve as a reminder that talks with North 
Korea can yield modest, but desirable outcomes like the establishment of 
Kaesong. 
Dialogue should not be expected to end North Korea's nuclear 
programme, especially in the near-term. But it may help defuse the 
current tensions and avoid a return to escalation.
Washington and Pyongyang are now trading conditions for 
resuming regular official engagement, which would be more than just 
"talks for talks' sake". 
That is, if concerned nations could agree on the subject of, 
and forum for, discussion. It is here that the greatest divide lies.
On his recent trip to Asia, Secretary of State John Kerry 
reiterated that Washington is ready to engage with Pyongyang, but only 
if certain conditions are met. 
 The US wants denuclearisation to be a precursor to negotiations with North 
Korea 
His offer presumably relates to more regular, official talks than those already 
quietly and sporadically taking place. 
Foremost among his conditions is a demonstration by the North of "seriousness 
of purpose to go towards denuclearisation". 
This could be done by, for instance, ceasing production of 
fissile material for nuclear weapons or refraining from conducting 
missile tests.
Though the messenger may be new, Mr Kerry's conditional offer is not. 
In theory, the Obama administration has for some time been 
quietly open to resuming nuclear talks with North Korea if convinced 
that Pyongyang would come to the table in good faith.
In response to Mr Kerry's statements, North Korea brushed off the subject of 
denuclearisation and announced its own list of 
conditions: the United States must apologise for its recent 
provocations, repeal all UN and unilateral sanctions, withdraw 
nuclear-capable assets from the region, and abstain from conducting 
military exercises on the Korean Peninsula.
Both lists of conditions are non-starters, and speak to the underlying, vast 
gap in opinion on what should be talked about.Cemented positions 
A useful framework for understanding the divide are the 
stalled six-party talks, the series of negotiations that began in 2003 
between China, the US, North and South Korea, Japan and Russia, and were 
abandoned in 2009.
While active, the six-party talks had three multilateral 
working groups: peaceful energy co-operation; the denuclearisation of 
the Korean Peninsula; and peace and security in Northeast Asia.
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It is clear from the latest tensions that the United States and North Korea 
continue to disagree about what to talk about”
The subject of the first working group on peaceful energy co-operation is 
unappetising to the US and its allies, for obvious reasons.
The second, denuclearisation, is of little interest to 
Pyongyang, which now heavily emphasises nuclear weapons in its national 
doctrine. Washington needs Pyongyang to discuss denuclearisation much 
more than the reverse, and until that changes, the North is unlikely to 
be tempted into talks on this subject.
However, Pyongyang favours keeping the third avenue for 
dialogue open, though perhaps not with a six-party talks label. From 
their point of view, a peace treaty is needed to guarantee the absence 
of an external enemy before the country can safely renounce nuclear 
weapons. 
Washington believes the opposite: fully normalised relations 
are not possible while the North maintains an active nuclear-weapons 
programme.
At the moment, none of these topics are palatable to all key 
countries, and the latest crisis has cemented the difference of opinion.
 North Korea is unlikely to move towards denuclearisation anytime soon 
In January, North Korea's National Defence Commission declared 
flatly that North Korea would maintain a nuclear deterrent so long as 
other states possess nuclear weapons - a policy conveniently borrowed 
from the US and UK.
This position was later bolstered by the Supreme People's Assembly, which 
declared nuclear weapons to be "the nation's life".
If there was any doubt about North Korea's disinterest in talking about 
disarmament, it has now been shattered.
The latest conflict may also have hardened Washington's stance against broader 
peace and security talks.
North Korea's March decision to restart plutonium production 
and its apparent quest to develop an inter-continental nuclear strike 
capability may have convinced the Obama administration that dialogue on 
non-nuclear issues would give the Kim regime precious time to further 
advance its nuclear and missile programmes. 
As Pyongyang slowly creeps closer to a long-range nuclear missile, time is 
something the US cannot afford.
As a result, the US may feel that anything but 
denuclearisation talks, with a preceding North Korean demonstration of 
sincerity, would be unacceptable.Bilateral or multilateral? 
Statements by the US and North Korea also largely avoid the 
question of whether sustained, official talks should be bilateral or 
multilateral. 
North Korea has long preferred to deal directly with its 
adversary. The Obama administration, on the other hand, seems wary of 
getting burned in another bilateral effort. 
The failed 2012 "Leap Day Agreement", which traded North 
Korean nuclear concessions for American food aid, quickly fell apart to 
Washington's chagrin.
Indeed, for the time being, the US may have locked itself into a primarily 
multilateral approach to the North Korean problem.
Amid the recent tensions, the US repeatedly declared Beijing 
the "key" to resolving the stand-off, in hopes of pressuring them to 
abandon their traditional apathy. Any effort to resolve Korean Peninsula 
insecurity without the "key" would now therefore seem nonsensical.
It is clear from the latest tensions that the United States 
and North Korea continue to disagree about what to talk about, and whom 
to talk about it with. 
And despite Mr Kerry's assertion that he will not "be so 
stuck in the mud that an opportunity to actually get something done is 
flagrantly wasted", it is unfortunately difficult to foresee anything in the 
near term that could create common ground. 
Regular dialogue with the US and North Korea at the table is far out of reach.
Andrea Berger is a research fellow in nuclear analysis at the Royal United 
Services Institute. Follow her on Twitter 
@AndreaRBerger.

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