Mike Steketee: Howard is wrong on refugees
Canberra should stop appeasing Jakarta over the Papuan boatpeople
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20apr06

THIS is the Howard Government's new refugee policy: we will decide 
who comes and the circumstances in which they come, unless Indonesia 
would like to do so instead.

The announcement that the Government will go back to the bad old days 
of the Pacific solution and indefinite mandatory detention of asylum-
seekers is a terrible decision made for the wrong reasons in the 
worst possible circumstances. It is false to suggest the Government 
faced an irreconcilable conflict between human rights and relations 
with Indonesia. It is no more a dilemma than Indonesia deciding 
whether or not it should abolish capital punishment because Australia 
does not like it being applied to Australian drug runners. 
Rather than Australia changing its refugee laws, all it had to do was 
to impress on Indonesia that they were based on bipartisan policy 
stretching back more than 50 years to when Australia played a 
pioneering role in formulating the Refugee Convention. Decisions are 
made - or at least were before John Howard buckled at the knees to 
Indonesian complaints - on people's individual circumstances, not the 
policies of the country they came from, let alone any judgment on the 
merits of Papuan independence, which both the Government and 
Opposition oppose. 

What the Prime Minister did instead was to compromise Australia's 
values to accommodate both Indonesian misconceptions and the brutal 
treatment of some of its citizens. It appears he panicked 
particularly at the Indonesian threat to no longer co-operate in 
stopping boats coming to Australia. He should have called Indonesia's 
bluff. Quite apart from the dramatic fall in refugee flows in recent 
years, the boats never have been a threat to Australia, with even 
refugee numbers in the wake of turmoil in Afghanistan and Iraq 
insignificant compared with those who go to other Western countries. 

Howard's decision looks all the more craven because it came only 
weeks after he resisted a personal appeal from President Susilo 
Bambang Yudhoyono not to accept the Papuans. It cancels the measures 
Howard announced last June to relax Australia's uniquely harsh 
refugee policy by freeing children from detention, requiring 
decisions within three months on whether or not applicants qualify as 
refugees and the same period for appeals to the Refugee Review 
Tribunal. None of these provisions will apply in Nauru, Manus Island 
and Christmas Island, where future asylum-seekers who arrive by boat 
will be carted. 

The Government will accept its obligations under the Refugee 
Convention to process these cases in only the most grudging way. For 
fear of offending Indonesia, it will scour the world to try to find 
other countries to accept refugees. The rest of the world rightly 
will say that, with Papua on our doorstep, they are our 
responsibility. If other countries adopted Australia's attitude, the 
Refugee Convention would collapse. 

Judging by the treatment of Afghans and Iraqis under the Pacific non-
solution, people will be waiting for up to four years to be released, 
even if they are accepted as refugees. If we take the precedent of 
the more than 1300 people who fled East Timor in 1991, it will take 
10 years. There will be no appeal rights to the Refugee Review 
Tribunal or the Australian courts. Access to lawyers will be severely 
restricted. Already traumatised refugees will be scarred for life by 
the experience. 

The decision betrays Petro Georgiou and his fellow band of Liberal 
dissidents who extracted last year's concessions from Howard. It 
leaves Immigration Minister Amanda Vanstone high and dry. Only four 
weeks ago, she was stressing the decisions on the 42 Papuans were 
based on their individual circumstances, not the feelings of the 
Indonesian Government or anyone else. 

It probably will worsen the already deterioriating human rights 
situation in Papua, sending a clear signal that this is not a serious 
concern for Australia. The reality is this is a problem wholly made 
in Indonesia: if it stopped mistreating its citizens in Papua, they 
would not be fleeing. The Immigration Department does not give 
reasons for its decisions in refugee cases but it presumably found 
legal submissions made for the 42 Papuans by lawyer David Manne 
persuasive. 

One of those submissions argues: "We submit the available country 
information indicates the applicant will face serious harm in the 
form of arbitrary arrest and detention, beating, torture or execution 
at the hands of the TNI [the Indonesian military] and related 
security forces ..." This was because she had a high profile as an 
independence activist, has suffered past persecution and had 
participated in raising the Papuan independence flag in the boat in 
which she had come to Australia with the other asylum-seekers, a 
crime in Indonesia for which some of them already had been jailed. 
The submission referred to a report in Kompas newspaper in January 
quoting Indonesian Human Rights Commission deputy chairman in Papua, 
Albert Rumbekwan, saying the families of the asylum-seekers had 
been "terrorised". 

Among the many references it gave, the submission quoted from a 2004 
report by the Yale Law School: "The Indonesian military and security 
forces have engaged in widespread violence and extra-judicial 
killings in West Papua. They have subjected Papuan men and women to 
acts of torture, disappearance, rape and sexual violence ..." 

The submission also reveals that Indonesia repeatedly sought direct 
access to the asylum-seekers while they were in detention - which it 
argued was a breach of both the Refugee and Vienna conventions and an 
indication that their human rights would be disregarded if they were 
returned to Indonesia. 

The Yale report argued that, "without significant international 
pressure, the pattern of violent repression in West Papua is likely 
to continue". Howard has just told Indonesia through a loud hailer 
that such pressure will not be coming from Australia.


 
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