http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/HE19Ae01.html
May 19, 2006 
 

 RISKY BUSINESS
Indonesia's economic reform tightrope
By Federico Bordonaro 


President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is actively wooing new foreign investment to 
boost the Indonesian economy. While that newfound openness definitely sends a 
positive signal overseas, he still faces four big problems at home that 
seriously hinder his ambition to speed up economic growth. 

Political instability, growing social unrest, the threat of terrorism, and 
lingering legal uncertainties continue to undermine Indonesia's economic growth 
prospects, not to mention overall competitiveness. And for all Yudhoyono's 
considerable efforts, there is no indication that these obstacles can be 
overcome in the short term. 

On paper, Indonesia has all the resources to become a major economic power. The 
economy is on pace to grow by about 5% this year, but that is just barely 
enough to absorb new workers entering the labor pool. So it is significant that 
Yudhoyono has acknowledged that foreign investment is essential for achieving 
the country's full economic potential. 

Notably, the soft-spoken president won his office in 2004 partially on a 
pro-globalization ticket at a time when nationalistic posturing was in fashion 
across the region. After the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis, Indonesia's 
battered economy was driven largely by internal consumption, while both foreign 
direct investment and private domestic investment declined. 

A volatile mix of political instability, social unrest, endemic corruption, and 
fiscal austerity imposed by the International Monetary Fund greatly undermined 
Indonesia's business environment. 

Many of those problems remain today, but a measure of optimism about the 
country's economic prospects has palpably returned. Yudhoyono has worked hard 
to burnish the country's image with foreign investors. His recent intervention 
against the national oil-and-gas giant Pertamina in favor of US oil giant 
ExxonMobil demonstrated that he is willing to stand up against powerful local 
interest groups to achieve economic growth. 

A cabinet minister during the Suharto era, Yudhoyono has tried to establish his 
reform credentials even in the face of a resurgent nationalism emanating from 
certain quarters of parliament. A recent presidential statement acknowledged 
and vowed to address a foreign-investor wish list, including better protection 
against expropriation of investments, termination of contracts, and 
establishing better dispute-settlement mechanisms, among other structural 
reforms. 

Still, Yudhoyono walks a political tightrope when making concessions to 
foreigner investors. Labor leaders protested loudly against a recent 
Presidential Instruction to amend the 2003 national labor law, which had acted 
to boost workers' bargaining power, guarantee minimum wages and allow for 
peaceful strikes. 

The neo-liberal-influenced amendments, which aim to lower minimum severance 
payments to released employees and loosen regulations for hiring and firing, 
were widely viewed as favoring big business over labor. If pushed too 
aggressively, the legal changes threaten to trigger serious social conflict 
among the country's well-organized and increasingly vocal social movements. 

For Yudhoyono, Indonesia's poor historical and, some would argue, recent 
human-rights record means that the resort to brute force to put down social 
ferment is not an option. This was clearly demonstrated in the restraint 
security forces recently demonstrated in tackling nationalistic protests 
outside of a US-operated gold mine in Papua. 

Intensified social unrest in Jakarta could easily lead to more social 
instability across the entire archipelago, particularly if nationalistic 
political elements choose to mobilize grassroots sentiment in pushing their 
particular agendas. Social unrest could also potentially be manipulated by 
terrorist groups, some Indonesian officials fear. 

Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono recently told the local press that terror 
cells are still "scattered across the Indonesian archipelago" and that "more 
attacks are inevitable with the militants so entrenched in the country". 
Although the authorities have recently done a relatively good job in mopping up 
suspects from the Jemaah Islamiya terror group, Sudarsono's comments suggest a 
new threat of attacks from so-called "random cells". 

If so, a new kind of decentralized and flexible militant activity would prove 
even more difficult to counter than traditional, top-down-structured terror 
groups. Sudarsono's words also sound a grave warning to Indonesia's regional 
partners, which to date have worked only halfheartedly in coordinating their 
counter-terrorism measures. 

Obviously terror attacks are bad for business, not just in Indonesia but 
regionwide. In 2002, the bombings on the resort island of Bali that targeted 
foreign tourists had a devastating impact on the entire country's tourism 
industry. In the wake of September 11, 2001, and the first Bali bombing, 
Jakarta came under severe US and Australian pressure to follow their 
controversial methodologies for fighting against terrorism. 

Sudarsono has said, "Southeast Asian nations must fight terrorism on their own 
terms or risk being seen as lackeys of nations such as the US and Australia." 
Jakarta is working quietly to strike a balance between cooperation with 
Washington and maintaining national sovereignty over law-and-order issues. The 
fact that both the United States and Australia have recently toned down their 
criticism indicates that Indonesia has recently demonstrated a tougher tack 
against terror suspects. 

More optimistically, the growing global demand for oil, gas and biofuel is 
opening new investment opportunities for Indonesia. Its national energy 
corporation Elnusa plans to build a US$5 billion oil-refinery project together 
with a subsidiary of the National Iranian Oil Co. Elnusa's adviser, Global 
Union, declared its intention to invite Middle Eastern crude-oil producers 
together with fuel buyers in Japan, South Korea, China and Southeast Asia to 
join the new refinery project. Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad's recent 
visit to Indonesia firmed up bilateral business relations and promises to pave 
the way for future collaborative energy deals. 

Moreover, state-owned Pertamina and ExxonMobil agreed in March to develop 
jointly what is potentially Indonesia's largest untapped oilfield, in Cepu. The 
$2 billion investment deal will commence commercial activity in 2008, with 
estimated output of about 165,000 barrels per day over a 30-year horizon. 

There are plenty of other untapped natural-resource deals for the making in 
Indonesia. The promotion of pro-business policies, the push for more regional 
economic integration and enhanced counter-terrorism cooperation will form the 
core of Yudhoyono's political agenda. 

Whether his bold market-oriented policies unite or further fragment the country 
and effectively stymie the spread of radical Islam into socially unstable areas 
will determine how investors view and pursue the many business opportunities to 
be had in one of the world's most resource-rich Muslim nations. 

Federico Bordonaro is senior analyst with the Power and Interest News Report. 
He can be contacted at [EMAIL PROTECTED]
. 

(Copyright 2006 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us 
about sales, syndication and republishing .)



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