25 - 31 May 2006
      Issue No. 796 

Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875

Egypt: Sunni but Shia inclined
Though Sunni, Egypt by history is founded on a Shia base, confounding agitators 
who want to drive a confessional wedge into the heart of Islam, writes Mustafa 
El-Feki* 
Much of the anger and criticism sparked by President Hosni Mubarak's recent 
statements on Arab Shia was the result of them being taken out of context and 
misinterpreted. In the interests of restoring calm and objectivity, I believe 
it would be useful to set those statements and their regretful effects to the 
side for a moment and take a look at how Egypt really stands towards Shia Islam 
and its adherents. 

Egypt is a Sunni country but with strong Shia leanings. It is the country that 
gave refuge to the descendants of the Prophet Mohamed in the first century AH 
and continues to venerate them today. Its venerable Al-Azhar University is one 
of the few Sunni academic institutions to teach Shia Jaafari jurisprudence 
alongside the four schools of Sunni jurisprudence. This is of no small import 
given the historical and symbolic significance of Al-Azhar. In addition, Egypt 
was the first officially Shia state which, founded in the mid-10th century AH, 
did more than its predecessors to shape the traditions and values of Egyptian 
society.

Many are unaware that the conversion of Egyptian society to Islam did not take 
place overnight. Indeed, Egypt remained predominantly Christian (Coptic) for a 
full two centuries after the Islamic conquest and it was only with the arrival 
of the Shia Fatimids and the founding of their new capital in Cairo -- 
Al-Qahira, "The Victorious" -- that the ratio shifted in the other direction. 
So intent were some Fatimid rulers upon collecting taxes and the heavier jizya, 
or head tax, from non-Muslims that huge sectors of the non- Muslim populace 
converted to Islam as a means of reducing the financial burden. 

Nor should we forget that the Fatimids established Al-Azhar as a bastion of 
Shia jurisprudence and a theological centre in general. Fatimid rulers were 
open, however, to other religious influences and drew heavily on the expertise 
of non-Muslims, both Christian and Jewish. This was the state, after all, in 
which the Jewish Maimonides rose to power as vizier. In fact, I would go so far 
as to suggest that this was the epoch to which we can date the homogenisation 
of Egyptian society and therefore, also, many characteristics of Egyptian 
religious rites: fervent veneration for the descendants of Ali Ibn Abu Taleb 
expelled by the Ummayid rulers, worship at a plethora of sacred tombs and 
pilgrimage destinations, moulid celebrations commemorating the anniversaries of 
Muslim holy men and women, and any number of daily religious rituals. This was 
also the era in which Egypt became fully culturalised as an Arabic speaking 
society, for it was around this time that the churches adopted Arabic alongside 
Coptic as a liturgical language.

Concrete testimony to the enduring influence of Shia Islam on Egyptian society 
is to be found in the "saints'" tombs dating from the Fatimid era. The widely 
venerated Sidi Abul-Hassan Al-Shazli, Al-Sayed Badawi, Al-Mursi Abul-Abbas and 
Ibrahim Al-Dessouqi all hailed from Fatimid North Africa. In fact, on the 
outskirts of Damanhour -- the city I have the honour of representing in 
parliament -- you will find the tomb of Abu Hasira. We had originally thought 
that this was the tomb of a Muslim holy man. It turns out, however, that it is 
of a Jewish holy man and, hence, a source of some intermittent difficulties in 
Egyptian-Israeli relations because of the desire of some Israelis to make a 
pilgrimage to this tomb. I believe Abu Hasira was one of the North African Jews 
who came to Egypt when the Fatimid state opened its doors to immigrants of all 
religious persuasions, in keeping with this country's long tradition of 
religious and cultural tolerance and openness. 

Egyptian Muslims, whether rightly or wrongly, must vie with the Shia in their 
adoration of the descendants of the prophet. We, thus, find further tangible 
evidence of our Shia leanings in the millions of pounds that worshippers leave 
yearly as offerings in the donation boxes at the tombs of Hussein, Sayeda 
Zeinab and Sayeda Aisha. The Ayyubids may have overthrown the Fatimid caliphate 
and Sunni rites of worship and codes of jurisprudence may have supplanted Shia 
rites and jurisprudence in mosques and in courts, but popular faith has clung 
to some Shia ways.

Even official Sunni Islam in Egypt could not turn its back on Shia Islam 
forever. In the early 1960s, the Imam Mahmoud Shaltout went down in Islamic 
history for his fatwa declaring that Sunnis and Shias were equal in the eyes of 
Islam. The famous Al-Azhar grand sheikh declared that the sectarian differences 
between Sunni and Shia Islam were secondary and that both were fully in keeping 
with the essence of the creed and Islamic law. Immediately afterwards, Al-Azhar 
scored the precedent for an Islamic centre of learning by entering Jaafari 
jurisprudence into its curriculum on equal footing with the other schools of 
Islamic jurisprudence. We should also note that for many years Cairo was the 
location for a Muslim ecumenical bureau. Its activities were overseen by a Shia 
sheikh, the Imam Al-Qumi, who was assisted by a number of Sunni imams, among 
whom was Sheikh Abdel-Aziz Eissa, who became minister of Al-Azhar affairs in 
the 1970s. 

Egypt, thus, has always taken the lead in offering its Sunni hand in friendship 
and respect to its Shia brothers. What better event can serve to illustrate 
this than the marriage, in the early 1940s, of Princess Fawzya, daughter of 
King Fouad and sister of King Farouk, to the young Shah Mohamed Reza Pahlavi, 
the emperor of Shia Iran. The marriage, joyfully celebrated by the peoples of 
both countries, symbolised not only the joining of the two thrones but the 
unity of Islam. I should add, here, that the Iranian people continue to harbour 
great affection and respect for the Egyptian people, sentiments that I 
experienced personally during my visit to Tehran several years ago. I also 
cannot forget the famous remark by former Iranian president Rafsanjani who told 
Egypt's celebrated journalist Mohamed Hassanein Heikal that he was looking 
forward to the day when he could visit "the noble Al-Azhar" and pay tribute to 
that great Islamic institution which had emerged from the fold of the Fatimid 
Shia state. 

This brief survey of Egypt's position with respect to Shia Islam represents an 
effort to offset attempts to fan the flames of discord between Sunni and Shia 
Islam. Such incendiary agitation is alien to our faith and lending ourselves to 
it benefits no one but the West. Indeed, it has been suggested that the US is 
currently working to place the Shia in power in Iraq in order to counteract the 
effects of Britain's championing of the Iraqi Sunnis when, during the 
monarchical period, the British Foreign Office installed the descendants of the 
Sherif Hussein on the throne in Baghdad. In all events, we, in Egypt, see the 
situation in Iraq much differently. Iraq is an indivisible whole. There is no 
difference between Shia and Sunni, Kurd and Arab, Muslim and Christian. Iraq is 
for the Iraqi people regardless of their diverse ethnic or religious 
affiliations and this national affiliation should remain the only criterion for 
citizenship and citizenship rights. 

In fact, we in Egypt do not give much thought to the differences between Shia 
and Sunni Islam, if only because the differences are not visibly there to 
remark upon. At the same time, the Egyptians have much to offer by way of 
testimony to their esteem and fondness for Shia Iran, not least of which are 
the famous royal union mentioned above and the fact that Egypt offered itself 
as the last refuge for the shah of Iran, who, in spite of his sins, was a 
former ruler of a major Islamic nation and who now lies in peace in the capital 
city founded by Muezeddin Al-Fatimi, the Shia ruler and founder of Al-Azhar. 

All told, the excessive criticism being levelled at Egypt by our fellow Arabs 
who belong to the Shia sect comes as something of a surprise to me. After all, 
Egypt, with its many Fatimid minarets, domes and tombs, with its moulids, 
Ramadan rites and Shia holy men, and with its particular social character, is 
far from hostile to Shia Islam. This highly homogenous Sunni nation has a 
solidly Shia quality in its core.

* The writer is chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee at the People's 
Assembly


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