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'The focus should be on Damascus'
by Rachel Shabi in Tel Aviv 
Monday 24 July 2006 4:06 AM GMT 


Efraim Inbar: Arab states have failed to make the transition to 
modernity  


Efraim Inbar, a professor of political science at Israel's Bar-Ilan
University, says Israel's priority is to stop Hezbollah's rocket
attacks on Israel and then disarm the group.



But he questions whether Israel is taking the right actions to 
achieve this goal

Inbar has written four books: Outcast Countries in the World 
Community, War and Peace in Israeli Politics; Labor Party Positions on
National Security, Rabin and Israel's National Security and The
Israeli-Turkish Entente.

He is director of the Begin-Sadat Centre for Strategic Studies and
also a columnist for the Jerusalem Post.

Aljazeera net: What are the Israeli goals in Lebanon?

Efraim Inbar: The goals are simple: To remove the missile threat to
Israel, to push Hezbollah out of South Lebanon and to try to damage
its military capability as much as possible. The direct responsibility
is with Hezbollah which has a clear intent to destroy Israel and is a
declared enemy of Israel. The Lebanese government may be formally at
war with Israel, but it does not pursue any measures against Israel.
The problem with the government is that it is unable to extend its
sovereignty to all the state, which allows Hezbollah to operate as an
independent militia and to build a state within a state. 

What do you think is the very minimum Israel will accept for a 
ceasefire?

Basically, the minimum conditions are the same as Israel's goals. But
the US will decide when enough is enough and Israel will do what is
acceptable to them. Between God, and us there is the United States.
America, as well as the international community, is interested in the
implementation of UN Security Council resolution 1559, which calls for
the dismantling of Hezbollah. 

Does the Israel public, in your view, consider the killing of now over
300 Lebanese, mostly civilian, as proportionate? 

The general feeling in Israel is of support for the government. 

The issue here is not the abduction of the two soldiers but that
Hezbollah does not hesitate to threaten the life of so far a fifth of
Israel's population – and says it has longer-range missiles that can
reach more of the population.

In that context, it is the moral duty and the first obligation of the
state to defend its citizens.

How many more deaths of civilians, on both sides, will the Israeli
public tolerate?

First, each side's tolerance level for casualties on the other side is
rather high.  

If the goal is perceived as important, the Israeli public tolerance
for deaths on our side is also high. In 1948, because of the
importance of the goal – the establishment of a state – the death of
6,000 was perceived as tolerable. In 1982, after 600 Israeli
casualties, the public called into question the whole operation in
Lebanon. Now, the security of Israeli citizens is an important goal,
which probably raises the tolerance level of Israeli society. 

Personally, I'm not sure what we are doing is the right thing - I
think the focus should be on Damascus and not on the poor Lebanese. 

Is it likely that the Israeli government has been in contact with any
Arab governments?

There may be consultation on various levels with Egypt and Jordan and
with other countries like Tunisia, Morocco, in Oman and in Qatar. The
diplomatic avenue is not closed at any time and there may be ongoing
dialogue. 

The last time Israel invaded Lebanon, it left scars that fed 
extremism in the region. Why does this not appear to be a 
consideration in the present offensive? 

I'm not sure it's Israeli action that fuels extremism in the Arab
world. It is primarily the failure of the Arab states to gradually
make the transition to modernity, which creates social and political
problems that lead to extremism. Islamic extremism is home grown. 

The Israeli occupation of South Lebanon helped to establish 
Hezbollah, but in my view it was a secondary factor because there was
already a certain measure of radicalisation within the Shia community
before Israel arrived. 

Hezbollah is now a much greater threat than before and we have to deal
with the immediate threat rather than future concerns. 

Would Israel consider attacking Iran or Syria?  

The government that can make a difference is not the Lebanese 
government; it is the regime in Damascus that can cut off support for
Hezbollah.

I advocate attacking Syria – to some extent we are wasting ammunition
in Lebanon. But I'm not sure the Israeli government thinks in those
terms. It has been making statements that it does not want to escalate
the situation by attacking Syria.

Iran is too distant and so I think w''re more likely to leave the
Iranians to the Americans – for now


Is the peace process now dead?

Forget about it, it's over. 

We are in a post two-state paradigm, primarily because the 
Palestinians failed to establish a functioning political entity.
Similar to the Lebanese situation, the Palestinians allow the
existence of independent militias. 

The convergence plan is based on the assumption that there is no
Palestinian partner for peace in the near future.


Aljazeera
By Rachel Shabi in Tel Aviv 

You can find this article at:
http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/010676D6-1F09-456F-8C16-
6BD44499A644.htm 

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