Q&A: Lawyer who met 'Shoe Bomber'

POSTED: 4:08 p.m. EDT, September 8, 2006

LONDON, England (CNN) -- CNN's Becky Anderson interviews Peter Herbert, a 
British human rights lawyer who visited Richard Reid, the so-called 
"shoe-bomber" in a U.S. jail in 2002.

Herbert, who had no role in Reid's defense, was interviewed at his office in 
London. Here is the full transcript:

Anderson: So you traveled to see him? (Watch the interview -- 3:04)

Herbert: Yes, I was going to America in any case at the time to go skiing 
and get an award from the American Bar association -- of all things -- for 
human rights work in the UK and coincidently it happened to be around the 
same time and I asked the U.S. authorities if I could have access to him in 
the penitentiary. That was before his mother and his stepfather were going 
to see him which was some weeks later. So it was more or less to meet his 
U.S. lawyers; his Boston lawyers bring back news from his mum and see if 
there was anything I could do to help from a humanitarian point of view.

Q. This is a man, the so-called "Shoe Bomber" who is now serving a life 
sentence but this was before he was sentenced, of course, in a U.S. jail for 
his plot to kill 198 people on a transatlantic flight in 2001. Describe the 
man you met.

A. Well, he, as with most people ... nobody looks like a monster and nobody 
looks, or very rarely looks, deranged and he'd been accused of all those 
things. He was very ordinary, a man of mixed race, from south... clearly 
from south London by his accent who was rather tall, rather gangly, dressed 
in the orange, in the bright orange fatigues that are compulsory for 
somebody under that type of allegation in a U.S. penitentiary. He didn't 
know I was coming which was rather odd, but he was greeted by, and 
introduced by the U.S. consulate of the UK consulate official who introduced 
herself and then had liaison with him as part of her job to take care of 
people in detention who were UK citizens.

Q. Well, you talked at length I believe and perhaps with more detail than 
you might have expected about what had happened that day and indeed why 
Richard Reid had been involved. When you asked him why young men like 
himself were willing to commit mass murder and suicide in the name of Islam, 
what did he say?

A. Well, I didn't put it quite as directly as that as you can appreciate, 
but he volunteered in a sense, and felt at ease about explaining that he 
certainly wasn't as the press had portrayed him: mad. He didn't regard 
himself as evil, he regarded what he was about to do as being a necessity 
and in a great cause which was to bring the world and especially America's 
attention to the injustices being suffered by Muslims in different parts of 
the world. He mentioned specifically Bosnia, he mentioned Iraq and 
Afghanistan which was unfolding at the current time and he also specifically 
mentioned those in detention at Guantanamo Bay and he felt an affinity with 
the Palestinian people which you might at first flush not recognize as 
somebody who was born and brought up in south London.

Q. Well let's talk about that, how does a young man from suburban south 
London join the violent jihad?

A. I think it's a process and I think you have to have an understanding of 
what people who believe about any injustice get into you go along to any 
campaigning organization anywhere in the world you'll find people who are 
very largely down that road of caring to spend their time often their money 
and sometimes their life for a cause that they believe in. In that respect 
he's no different, it just so happens that what he was prepared to do was an 
extreme sacrifice. He appeared to have started down that road from an 
adolescent that was clearly someone unhappy, that he looked to find an 
explanation for his own beliefs and faith which he seemed to get in Feltham 
-- a young offenders institution in west London -- which had an appalling 
reputation for the incarceration of young people and still does. 
Particularly reflecting the fact that often racism and social inequality 
drives many young people of Afro-Caribbean origin to in essence look for 
some sort of explanation for their circumstances in religion and politics 
and he was very much self-taught.

Q. So what you're saying, his radicalization was not necessarily from the 
preaching that he had heard in these mosques, it was more than that?

A. No it was clearly more than that, I mean, I think you have to reflect on 
the desolation of a number of young people, young men in particularly, young 
black men in custody both in America and here who generally find themselves 
on the receiving end of unfair treatment and racist treatment in the UK 
jails and therefore look to find something to explain and give them that 
self-confidence and I've met people who have been Black Panthers, who have 
been in the ANC and in prison for many years and they all have one thing in 
common and it's that they've survived in a sense by a search for some inner 
strength -- he appeared to find his through Islam and come to a better 
understanding of his position in the world.

Q. Does what you're saying go someway to explaining then the seeming 
plethora of converts to Islam that we are specifically seeing here in the 
UK, some of whom have allegedly gone on to be involved in terror plots?

A. Yes I think it partly does, there is a general common-sense view that the 
converts to any religion generally tend to be I suppose more enthusiastic 
... more committed than people who have grown up in that religion and to see 
all the contradictions and inconsistencies in any religion when applied or 
enforced by men. And therefore as a convert he may have been more 
susceptible to that willingness to demonstrate his faith in the most extreme 
manner possible. So that is a factor -- not the only one. But I think as 
we've seen from the people who are suspects in the current wave of arrests 
-- they come from a wide range of backgrounds. I have represented people of 
Pakistani origin who were Muslim -- who were not necessarily I suppose 
religious themselves in a wider term but they've become so -- and they have 
a fundamentalist view of Islam as fundamentalists Christians have sometimes 
reached in U.S. even. There are actually very many similarities that do not 
allow for any flexibility in their view and they have a willingness to die, 
I suppose, as the ultimate sacrifice in the pursuance of their goals.

Q. The interview that you conducted with Richard Reid, was four years ago, 
you have only recently talked about what was said during that interview, the 
authorities here in the UK, have never asked for a debrief. What do you 
think the message is there?

A. I was rather surprised that nobody in would seem to know what is going on 
in the first place. That seemed rather odd in the aftermath of 9/11. 
Secondly when I returned I did mention it in the meeting with the UK 
Attorney-General. They were sort of interested in one level, and certainly 
the Metropolitan Police were aware that I've gone afterwards, but there was 
no real willingness to engage -- to have a debrief. I think it would have 
helped. One, because it was the first time that anybody had had a meeting in 
a position of trust in one respect and not as somebody who was there as a 
police officer or member of the security services. And therefore able to 
possibly explain and allow the authorities here to understand what got Mr. 
Reid from being an inmate at Feltham to being on a plane in the Atlantic 
willing to blow people up.

Q. We know that Richard Reid was influenced at least by the imams both at 
the Brixton mosque, in south London, and the Finsbury mosque, in north 
London, associated with both Abdullah Al Faisal and Abu Hamza, both of whom 
are in prison in the UK now. What sort of influence did they have on his 
life, and how much of an influence were they in his radicalization?

A. I think it's rather difficult to quantify because he was rather 
circumspect in naming names and giving precise details about what they said 
and when and how it affected him. I think you'll never know but it is a 
gradual process where he has been given explanation for world events and 
politics which some of which was clearly not his own but which was learnt. 
And, I think, it's a combination of what he read and what he was still 
reading even when he was in custody from various book shops and texts that 
he was getting from a radical and Wahabist view of Islam which originates 
mostly from Saudi Arabia as I understand it. And therefore the impact of one 
preacher or another might not have been of itself the trigger, but then I 
think that was a mechanism that was used by the others to recruit him and 
obviously clearly send him for some training. And we know from his passport 
that he had traveled in the Far East, in the Middle East to some extent and 
had been clearly controlled by a source that was known later to the 
authorities.

Q. We have been told that his ideology was classically al Qaeda, was there 
anything in what he said to you, which convinced you that he was either 
trained by those who are associated with al Qaeda or was a "paid up member" 
of al Qaeda, as it were?

A. I think that the term al Qaeda is one which is a misnomer, a very Western 
concept of failing to understand how people such as that operate not as part 
of some sign-up organization as a Democratic Party or a Republican Party but 
as something which is an ideology which has many and different forms in 
different parts of the world. And therefore his explanation was that I don't 
think there is any typical or stereotype of the organization, I don't think 
they recognize themselves. It's a disparate group of people who have a very 
similar view of the world who are prepared to carry out very extreme 
programs to effect change. And the view generally, I think the central focus 
is, viewing America as the great Satan who is largely responsible for many 
of the injustices not only in the Muslim world but in the wider developing 
world over recent decades.

Q. Peter, did he show any remorse, or any sense of regret?

A. I think it was a regret that he hadn't been successful. There was a 
regret that he found himself in the situation he was and that he had been 
memorable not for success but for his failures, as he saw it. But I think he 
regrets that he had brought such suffering to his mother, and that as a 
consequence he clearly had in mind that innocent people would have died, and 
I felt there was, and it's only my surmise, an element of regret that that 
might be an unintended consequence of what he was about to do, but again 
that is only my perception of him. But remorse, no. I can't say, that he 
would have and didn't express any clear remorse to me, in the terms that you 
would understand it, as a Westernized concept.

Q. I just want to go back to the idea of the influences on him and his 
radicalization, and what the British government might have learnt then, and 
what it might still be learning now. Again, your interview was conducted in 
February 2002, we are four years on, the government officials here have 
never spoken to you about the conversation that you had, hadn't gleaned any 
further information on why people were becoming more radicalized as they 
obviously have been here. Has the government made a mistake here?

A. Well I think they have certainly failed to get to grips with the fact 
that there is a direct link between foreign policy in Iraq in Afghanistan, 
standing shoulder-to-shoulder with George Bush as Tony Blair has said on a 
number of occasions and the recruitment of people like Mr. Reid to an 
Islamic cause which is a distortion of Islam ... which is in a sense going 
to an extreme ... which to an extent the vast majority of Muslims do not 
endorse as a way of solving world problems. I think the government seeks to 
continue with a lie that its foreign policy in Iraq or Afghanistan is 
bringing justice, democracy and freedom to an otherwise backward group of 
people in the world, Muslim or otherwise. And I think they fail to recognize 
that other Muslims and even non-Muslims may feel that what you have is 
gunboat diplomacy of the 21st century which seeks to impose situations and 
solutions on a people who don't ask for it.

Q. When Peter Clarke, head of the anti-terror branch of the Metropolitan 
Police here in the UK, just a week or so ago says that he was concerned that 
there were thousands of potential recruits for this jihad. Does that 
surprise you now after the conversation you had with Richard Reid?

A. I think it's a surprise that it wasn't said earlier. I think the police 
themselves, the security services, it must have dawned on them because they 
had in the 1990s several plots by UK citizens that were directed against 
Israel, or possible unknown targets where the motivation seemed to be the 
link with injustices in Bosnia, North Africa and particularly with 
Palestine, and the West Bank and Gaza. For the most part, the British 
government said it has nothing to do with our foreign policy; it's all about 
overturning the western way of life and democracy. A concept which I just 
find ridiculous and clearly Richard Reid, when he was talking, said in clear 
and quite animated terms, that you cannot have injustice compounded by the 
detention of people in Guantanamo Bay without charge, and expect people all 
over the world to sit by and applaud the United States for making the world 
a safer place.

http://www.cnn.com/2006/LAW/09/08/shoebomber.reid/index.html




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