http://www.smh.com.au/news/opinion/religions-back-in-the-political-ring/2006/11/06/1162661616459.html


Religion's back in the political ring
Gerard Henderson
November 7, 2006
Page 1 of 2 | Single page 
THE debate in Western democracies about the proper relationship between 
religion and politics is as old as representative government itself. Yet, every 
now and then, it surfaces in public debate. Since Federation in 1901, the 
argument about that which belongs to God and that which belongs to Caesar has 
flared on a number of occasions.
During World War I Protestant church leaders criticised Daniel Mannix, the 
Catholic archbishop of Melbourne, for involving Catholicism in politics by 
opposing conscription for overseas service. There was no such criticism for the 
few Catholic bishops who publicly supported conscription. Then, in the 
mid-1950s, Mannix was criticised for supporting B.A. Santamaria and the 
anti-communist Democratic Labor Party which broke from the ALP at the time of 
the Labor split. Again, those Catholic leaders who openly supported Labor (such 
as Cardinal Norman Gilroy and Bishop James Carroll in Sydney) were not 
subjected to such attacks.

This issue has resurfaced since John Howard became Prime Minister. The case for 
the prosecution is enunciated in Marion Maddox's God Under Howard. Her thesis 
is that Howard has been responsible for the "corrosion of Australia's soul" by 
implementing "imported policies normally associated with the American Christian 
right".

This is hyperbole posing as scholarship. However, it is true that some of the 
Howard Government's policies have appealed to some believers in Australia - 
Christian and non-Christian alike. They include the Coalition's support for 
faith-based schools and the Government's social conservatism on some moral 
issues. In view of this, it makes sense for Labor to contest this ground, 
especially since there are a number of Christians prominent in the ranks of the 
party's federal leadership, including Kim Beazley, Kevin Rudd and Wayne Swan.

Recently Rudd attempted to capture this issue for Labor with a significant 
essay titled "Faith in Politics" published in the August issue of The Monthly. 
Rudd identified with Dietrich Bonhoeffer (1906-45), the German Protestant 
theologian who was murdered by the Nazis on account of his resistance to 
Hitler's regime. Rudd says Labor Christians should follow "Bonhoeffer's 
critique in the '30s" and "take the side of the marginalised, the vulnerable 
and the oppressed".

In other words, Rudd sees the role of the Christian in politics as focusing on 
social outcomes, including opposition to what he terms "market fundamentalism". 
Clearly Rudd wants to play down the focus on private morality in the 
contemporary Christian ethos. Consequently he wrote that he sees "little 
evidence" that a "preoccupation with sexual morality is consistent with the 
spirit and content of the Gospels".

Well, that's the way Rudd sees it. Quite a few Christians, especially in the 
outer suburbs and regional centres where most of the marginal seats are 
located, see it differently. Many do not acknowledge a difference between 
private morality and public policy.

This is a political problem for Labor since its vote is divided between an 
inner-city group of social progressives and an outer-suburban/regional town 
group of social conservatives. Rudd says Bonhoeffer's voice speaks "to us 
through the ages". Yet this overlooks the fact that Bonhoeffer was vehemently 
opposed to abortion. Such a position is unlikely to become ALP policy any time 
soon.

In a speech last week launching the new edition of Peter Coleman's study of the 
Catholic poet and political activist James McAuley, Tony Abbott took issue with 
Rudd on a range of matters. In particular, he claimed that concern about the 
abortion rate is not just a preoccupation with sexual morality.

Yet Abbott acknowledged that Christians like himself did not, and could not, 
prevail on moral issues in the face of strong opinions in the community. He 
highlighted "the conscience vote on RU-486 and the impending vote on human 
cloning" as having "arisen through the parliamentary tactics adopted by MPs 
generally hostile to religious influence on public life".

What is different about the present debate about religion and politics, at the 
political party level at least, is that Rudd and Abbott acknowledge that 
believers have a right to contest the public debate. What divides them turns on 
what they regard as policy priorities.

Abbott is correct to draw attention to what he has termed the increasing 
Catholicism of the Coalition. Not so long ago the Liberal and National parties 
were once the preserve of Protestants. Not any more. Witness the high profile 
in the public debate of Abbott and the Nationals leader, Mark Vaile. But the 
Catholic influence on Labor remains strong. Rudd was brought up a Catholic. And 
it was the Catholic Paul Keating who, when treasurer in the Hawke government, 
set in place the first stages of economic reform in Australia which has led to 
what Rudd now regards as market fundamentalism.

Rudd and his Christian Labor colleagues are on the correct track, in a 
political sense at least. It makes sense to challenge the Government's 
increasing support among Christians. Yet Labor's task is not easy. Beazley 
backed Howard's sensible idea to fund the appointment of chaplains in 
government and private schools. But this policy was opposed by some Labor 
backbenchers (for example, Senator Trish Crossin) and some union leaders (for 
example, Mary Bluett) who argued that the position should be secular, rather 
than religious.

God does not prevail in Australia under Howard. Yet opponents of the Government 
have a vested interest in establishing the perception that God would be well 
regarded under a Labor government. Supporting Labor's leadership on the school 
chaplains issue would be a good start.

Gerard Henderson is executive director of the Sydney Institute.


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