http://www.iht.com/articles/2007/05/17/america/17venezuela.php

 


Chávez keeping his promise to redistribute land 
By Simon Romero

Wednesday, May 16, 2007 
 
URACHICHE, Venezuela: The squatters arrive before dawn with machetes and 
rifles, surround the well-ordered rows of sugar cane and threaten to kill 
anyone who interferes. Then they light a match to the crops and declare the 
land their own.

For centuries, much of Venezuela's rich farmland has been in the hands of a 
small elite. After coming to power in 1998, and especially after his 
re-election in December, President Hugo Chávez vowed to end that inequality, 
and has been keeping his promise in a process that is both brutal and legal.

Chávez is carrying out what may become the largest forced land redistribution 
in Venezuela's history, building utopian farming villages for squatters, 
lavishing money on new cooperatives and sending army commando units to 
supervise seized estates in six states.

The violence has gone both ways in the struggle, with more than 160 peasants 
killed by hired gunmen in Venezuela, including several here in northwestern 
Yaracuy State, an epicenter of the land reform project, in recent years. Eight 
landowners have also been killed here.

"The oligarchy is always on the attack and trying to say you are no good," 
Chávez said to squatters in a televised visit here. "They think they're the 
owners of the world."

Chávez's supporters have formed thousands of state-financed cooperatives to 
wrest farms and cattle ranches from private owners. Landowners say compensation 
is hard to obtain. Local officials describe the land seizures as paving stones 
on "the road to socialism."

"This is agrarian terrorism encouraged by the state," said Fhandor Quiroga, a 
landowner and head of Yaracuy's chamber of commerce, pointing to dozens of 
kidnappings of landowners by armed gangs in the last two years.

The government says the goal of the nationwide resettlement is to make better 
use of idle land and to make Venezuela less dependent on food imports. New laws 
allow squatters to manage and farm land that has now been placed in government 
hands.

Before the land reform started in 2002, an estimated 5 percent of the 
population owned 80 percent of the country's private land. The government says 
it has now taken over about 3.4 million acres and resettled more than 15,000 
families.

Poor farmhands and unemployed town dwellers who squatted on land here are as 
filled with optimism as wealthy land owners are with dread. On the outskirts of 
the town of Urachiche, for instance, is Fundo Bella Vista, a farming community 
inaugurated by Chávez during an episode of his television program broadcast 
here in April.

Bella Vista is one of 12 "communal towns" that Chávez plans to build this year. 
It has neat rows of identical three-bedroom homes for 83 families, a reading 
room, a radio station, a building with free high-speed Internet service, a 
school and a plaza with a bust of Simón Bolívar, Venezuela's national hero.

With financing from state banks, the cooperative plants crops like manioc, corn 
and beans, which officials in Caracas say are better suited to soils here than 
sugar cane. By burning the cane during land seizures, the squatters prepare the 
land for other crops and give owners less incentive to fight for control. The 
state and federal government holds Bella Vista as an example of the ideological 
fervor Chávez is trying to instill in the countryside.

Lisbeth Colmenares, 22, was radiant as she showed a visitor her new home here, 
where she and her family live rent-free.

"Before Chávez, the government would have been happy to let us starve," said 
Colmenares, holding her 6-month-old daughter, Luzelis. "We'll never let what we 
have now be taken from us."

But while some of the newly settled farming communities are euphoric, 
landowners are jittery. Economists say the land reform may have the opposite 
effect of what Chavez intends, and make the country more dependent on imported 
food than before.

The uncertainties and disruptions of the land seizures have led to lower 
investment by some farmers. Production of some foods has been relatively flat, 
adding to shortages of items like sugar, economists say.

John Hines Freyre, who owns Yaracuy's largest sugar-cane farm, is now trying 
desperately to sell the property and others in neighboring states. "No one 
wants this property, of course, because they know we're about to be invaded," 
said Hines, 69, in English polished decades ago at Georgetown University.

Yaracuy's sugar growers' association says sugar cane production here has fallen 
40 percent since Chávez set the land reform in motion.

Senior officials blame "hoarders" for the shortages. But agricultural 
economists say the government bureaucracy, which runs a chain of food stores, 
is also rife with inefficiencies and Venezuela is at a disadvantage in 
competing on international markets with larger economies, like China.

Carlos Machado Allison, an agricultural economist at the Institute for Higher 
Administrative Studies in Caracas, said demand for food had climbed more than 
30 percent in the last two years with the oil boom, while Venezuela's capacity 
to produce food grew only 5 percent.

He points to inconsistencies in the government's approach, like having one 
ministry charged with redistributing land to reduce food imports while another 
is tasked with importing large amounts of food.

"The double talk from the highest levels is absurd," Machado said. "By 
enhancing the state's power, the reforms we're witnessing now are a mechanism 
to perpetuate poverty in the countryside."

Top-down land redistribution projects have a troubled history in Latin America, 
including Venezuela itself, which last tried it in the 1960s. Even neighboring 
countries like Brazil, with a flourishing agribusiness industry, still struggle 
with militant demands for land from the rural poor.

But Venezuela, unlike many of its neighbors, has long imported most of its 
food, and uses less than 30 percent of its arable land to its full potential, 
according to the United Nations.

A good part of the reason is the havoc that its oil wealth plays on the 
economy, with a strong currency during times of high oil prices making it 
cheaper to import food than to produce it at home. Meanwhile, vast cattle 
ranches take up large areas of arable land.

But no country in the region has currently hit the land distribution problem as 
aggressively as Chávez.

"By 2008, I predict no big landowners will be left in the state of Yaracuy," 
said Franklin Ochoa, 23, a member of the cooperative committee that manages 
Bella Vista.

In fact, Yaracuy, one of Venezuela's smallest states, is not filled with 
especially large holdings. With some of the country's most fertile soil, the 
state has been home to immigrants from Cuba, Portugal and Spain who arrived 
after World War II and assembled relatively small sugar cane farms and cattle 
ranches.

Some of these immigrants or their children are now doing everything they can to 
leave. Fátima Vieira, the daughter of a Portuguese truck driver who moved to 
Venezuela 50 years ago, said she was struggling to receive compensation for a 
170-acre sugar cane farm controlled by squatters. As on other seized estates, 
she said squatters burned much of her sugar cane in an attempt to intimidate 
her.

Vieira, 43, said she also feared for her life after a gunman shot her brother, 
Antonio, in the neck one balmy night in August in 2003, on the edge of his 
sugar cane farm. He died in the cab of his Ford pickup truck. After that 
incident squatters took over his property, she said.

"His killer remains free," Vieira said in an interview at her home in San 
Felipe, the state capital.

"All I want to do is leave for another city, if I can get money for my land."

So far only a small group of landowners in Yaracuy, most of whom were Spanish 
immigrants and maintained citizenship in their homeland, has received 
compensation for seized land, after Spain's government pressed Chávez's 
administration.

More than 30 ranches and farms have been seized since Carlos Giménez, a staunch 
ally of Chávez, was elected governor in 2004.

Activists here say landowners have struck back. Braulio Álvarez, a land 
activist and pro-Chávez deputy in the national assembly, was shot in the face 
last July after leaving a late-night meeting in San Felipe. Álvarez, who 
survived the attack, blamed landowners.

In an interview at the governor's palace, where the halls are decorated with 
images of Che Guevara and Chávez, Governor Giménez said some friction should be 
expected on "the road to socialism."

"The reaction of the oligarchy is perhaps logical," said Giménez, a lawyer by 
training who is fending off charges of corruption related to state purchases of 
food and transportation equipment. He said the charges were politically 
motivated.

"The upper class had more than 400 years of benefits from the system," Giménez 
said. "They need to understand we're committed to the construction of a 
socialist fatherland."

Landowners like Hines get the message. His aristocratic family, from Cuba, 
began investing in Venezuelan land in the 1950s before the Cuban revolution.

Showing a visitor the stately if barren plantation house where his family once 
lived, Hines said he had begun distributing furniture to the servants before 
the squatters arrive.

"I see Chávez in power for quite a while," said Hines, who takes measure to 
ensure his safety, like sleeping in a different home each night, never telling 
employees when he is driving to Yaracuy from Caracas and dispensing with a 
flashy vehicle in favor of a nondescript used sedan. "It will definitely get 
worse for us in this country."


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