>From The Sunday Times





October 14, 2007
 

The biggest threat to the West lies within itself, not with Islam
 



Simon Jenkins 
 
 

I remember as a small boy going from door to door in our village collecting 
money for a missionary ship, the John Williams. It was taking God to the 
heathen of the East Indies, a distant realm to which the Good Lord, despite His 
all-seeing wisdom, had carelessly (and I thought excitingly) denied His 
presence. It never occurred to me that the natives might adhere to some other 
faith. I saw them waiting eagerly on the beach for the Bible to be carried 
ashore, wondering only why the Royal Mail was so slow. 
 
 
Last week a 29-page letter to the Pope was issued from a galaxy of 138 Muslim 
leaders designed to refute any such exclusive creed. It pleaded for better 
understanding between Christians and Muslims, based on a shared monotheism and 
the affinity between the Bible and the Koran. Both contained commandments to 
love a single god and to love one’s neighbour. The archaic language boiled down 
to hoping that the two religions might respect each other because “the future 
of the world depends on peace between Muslims and Christians”. 
 
 
The letter is certainly an advance on the first missive to Nicephorus, a 
9th-century prince of Rome, from Harun al-Rashid, a Muslim caliph. 
 
 
Addressing “thou Roman dog”, Rashid wrote, “I have read thy letter, O thou son 
of an unbelieving mother. Thou shalt not hear, thou shalt behold, my reply.” He 
proceeded to massacre half Byzantium. 
 
 
Rashid’s successors are more circumspect. They implicitly rebut George Bush’s 
“He who is not with us is against us” speech after 9/11.
 
 
 “Islam is not against the Christians,” the letter declares, “so long as they 
do not wage war against Muslims on account of their religion, oppress them and 
drive them out of their homes.” Nor is this debate “simply a matter for polite 
ecumenical dialogue between leaders”. The “eternal souls” of those who “relish 
conflict and destruction” are at stake, not to mention “the survival of the 
world”. 
 
 
Coming at the end of Ramadan, the letter is impressive. The signatories embrace 
a global range of grand muftis, imams, sheikhs and scholars from all 
denominations of Islam, with a wide span of theological influence. The appeal 
to religious tolerance at a time of tension between Islam and the West is 
welcome. But what the letter means needs deconstruction. 
 
 
Religious leaders like to claim headlines by subjecting politics to a downpour 
of platitude. The letter makes no mention of (monotheistic) Jews, let alone 
Hindus and Buddhists. It merely invites the Pope, the Archbishop of Canterbury 
and others to acknowledge what the archbishop calls “their common scriptural 
foundations . . . as a basis for justice and peace in the world”. Two religions 
that embrace “half of humanity” should stand together or, by implication, there 
will be war. 
 
 
Such an implication is grandiose, dangerous and wrong. It implies that the 
Muslim world has a politico-military power that is in some sense equal and 
opposite to that of Christianity. This elevates the so-called jihadist tendency 
within Islam to a status that it does not have and should never think it has. 
It suggests Islam has sufficient power to confront and possibly undermine the 
West. It implies a balance of power parallel with a balance of theological 
interpretation. 
 
 
Such an implication feeds a no less dangerous paranoia in the West. By stating 
that the “survival of the world” might turn on a struggle between Islam and 
Christianity, the letter reinforces the militarist fantasies of 
neoconservatives who see the world as just such a struggle. It is a paranoia 
which, since 9/11, has driven the “war on terror” and fomented the tension and 
antagonism to the West to which the scholars’ letter is so vacuous a response. 
 
 
The chief threat to world security at present lies in the capacity of tiny 
groups of political Islamists to goad the West into a rolling military 
retaliation. Extremists on each side feed off the others’ frenzied scenarios so 
as to garner money and political support for their respective armies of the 
night. Each sees the other as a cosmic menace and abandons communal tolerance 
and peaceful diplomacy to counter it. The authors of this letter would be 
better employed vetting their own blood-curdling mullahs and madrasahs than in 
writing platitudes to the Pope. 
 
 
I am proud to be a cheerleader for western values. I see the West – proxy for 
the letter’s “Christians” – as powerful without precedent. The 
American-European economic and political axis is unconquerable. For all its 
occasional and manifold lapses, capitalist democracy has been tested and not 
found wanting. Other societies such as Russia, China and India all measure 
themselves against the West’s success and seek in varying degrees to emulate 
it. To this extent Francis Fukuyama was right to call the end of the cold war 
“the end of history”. 
 
 
The Muslim world is more detached. Its religious habits scare nervous 
westerners into seeing it as a shrouded, black-clad menace. It is a less 
ordered society and more capable of perpetrating, or at least excusing, 
outrages against western targets. But these outrages are of frustration rather 
than conquest. While they can kill people and destroy property, they do not 
“threaten the West”, let alone undermine western values. If any Muslim state 
were rash enough to declare a war of aggression against Europe or America, of 
which there is no sign, it would be beaten. 
 
 
There is no Saladin or Tamerlane riding out of the desert to subject the West 
to a new caliphate. There is rather a job for the police, local and 
international, one at which they seem reasonably competent. America and 
Britain, for example, have each seen just one successful attack by Muslim 
terrorists in the past decade. While other attacks have been forestalled, we 
would be mad to see them as constituting a war of civilisations and religions. 
 
 
There may be young Muslims and their teachers with a vested interest in talking 
up such a war. There are those in the West with the same interest, such as the 
booming armaments and security industries with their think tanks and lobbyists. 
 
 
 
Such vested interests need to be exposed as such. To portray Islam as a whole 
as a concerted threat to western security, and to imply that the West’s 
democratic institutions and freedoms are not proof against that threat, is 
absurd and close to treason. Then to demand that western freedoms be dismantled 
and stored away for the duration of a “war on terror” is to wave the flag of 
surrender. 
 
 
This defeatism led the American Congress to allow its president to authorise 
torture and detention without trial in what Senator Robert Byrd called “the 
slow unravelling of the people’s liberties”. It enabled a British Home Office 
to curb free speech and habeas corpus. It arms police, fortifies buildings and 
impedes the free movement of citizens. It makes every Christian suspicious of 
every Muslim. 
 
 
This poison has not been generated by the teaching of Sayyid Qutb and his 
Al-Qaeda fanatics, but in the overreaction to them. After sowing their mayhem 
they, and not Afghanistan and Iraq, should have been targeted and eliminated. 
The belligerence and ineptitude of western policy over the past decade has 
turned nobodies into heroes of the Muslim world. The most incompetent period of 
western diplomacy since the 1930s has left the West hated and cities everywhere 
at the mercy of any Muslim misfit with a sack of explosive. 
 
 
When Thomas Paine told America that “we have it in our power to begin the world 
over again”, he meant by example, not military conquest. His utopianism was a 
brave, confident and open-hearted one. That of his successors is sinking into 
the opposite, a fearful, besieged, security-obsessed wimpishness, in which 
Muslims rightly feel threatened by the arbitrary violence of the American 
right. 
 
 
It is ironic that defeat in the cold war should have led Russia to the 
exuberant self-confidence of Vladimir Putin’s Moscow, while victory has plunged 
the West into a loss of nerve. In both Washington and London are leaders who 
have so little confidence in democracy as to regard it as vulnerable to a few 
madmen, and who have so little respect for democracy’s freedoms as to suspend 
them at the bang of a bomb. 
 
 
I believe in the robustness of the democracies created in the West over the 
past half-century. I am not sure that our leaders do. 
 
 
mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
 
 
 
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/columnists/simon_jenkins/article2652762.ece
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