Friday, Dec. 28, 2007
Bhutto's Jihadist Enemies
By Brian Bennett

Benazir Bhutto had long been an outspoken critic of
Pakistani militants and this made her the mortal enemy
of a galaxy of extremist forces inside Pakistan.
"Bhutto was the only Pakistani politician willing to
stand up and say, 'I don't like violent terrorists,'"
says Stephen Cohen, senior fellow at the Brookings
Institution. Many of these groups have intertwining
histories and common loyalties — as well as shadowy
links with Pakistani intelligence. As the probe into
her assassination begins, investigators will have to
sort through a morass of violent groups that were
gunning for Bhutto. And while all have some historic
link to al-Qaeda, they have just as much ideological
impetus to act on their own — or at the behest of
rogue elements of the Pakistani government sympathetic
to Islamic radicals.

In a briefing Friday, the Pakistani government
emphasized that al-Qaeda had Bhutto in its sights. "As
you all know, Benazir Bhutto had been on the hit list
of terrorists ever since she had come to Pakistan,"
said Javed Iqbal Cheema, the Interior Ministry
spokesman. "She was on the hit list of al-Qaeda."

According to reports from the Pakistani Interior
Ministry, the suicide bomber who killed Benazir Bhutto
belonged to a domestic terrorist organization with
links to al-Qaeda called Lashkar-i-Jhangvi. The group
is responsible for dozens of attacks inside Pakistan
over the past decade including sectarian killings of
Shi'ites and Christians, a failed 1999 assassination
attempt against then-Prime minister Nawaz Sharif, and
involvement in the kidnapping and beheading of the
Wall Street Journal correspondent Daniel Pearl. An FBI
and Department of Homeland Security bulletin sent out
Thursday cited unsubstantiated reports that
Lashkar-i-Jhangvi had claimed responsibility for
Bhutto's assassination. An FBI official said that the
bulletin was based on press reports and would not
comment on whether the claim had been independently
confirmed.

On Friday, a Pakistani Ministry of Interior spokesman
identified another suspect: Baitullah Mehsud, a
Taliban leader and an influential tribal chief in
Waziristan, a restive Pakistani province on the Afghan
border. Pakistani intelligence services intercepted a
conversation in which Mehsud congratulated those who
carried out the assassination. "Fantastic job," reads
the transcript released by the Pakistan Ministry of
Interior, "[They were] very brave boys who killed
her." In 2005, Mehsud had been party to an agreement
with the Pakistani government to cease his protection
of al-Qaeda in his region.

The Pakistani government has since then considered the
agreement to have been broken. Says Frederic Grare, a
former French diplomat in Pakistan and a scholar at
the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,
"Mehsud is a very convenient [person to blame]. He’s
the bad guy in the trouble areas." He asks, "Why would
Mehsud be willing to kill Benazir? Beyond the stated
fact that she’s against extremism. How do [Mehsud's
people] benefit from Benazir’s assassination?"

It is not absolutely clear if or how Mehsud and
Lashkar-i-Jhangvi link up. But both the Taliban and
Lashkar-i-Jhangvi emerged from the two decades of
fighting in Afghanistan, where eventually a Taliban
regime would give refuge to al-Qaeda. Pakistani
intelligence services were also active in Afghanistan,
encouraging Muslim fighters in their war against the
Soviet occupation of that country. One of the groups
that emerged from this group was Lashkar-i-Tayyba or
the "Army of the Pure," which Pakistani intelligence
agents, after the end of the Afghan war, would
redirect toward Kashmir and the Indian troops
stationed in that disputed region. In January 2002,
giving in to international pressure, the government of
Pervez Musharraf finally kicked Lashkar-i-Tayyba out
of Kashmir.

The group accused in Bhutto's killing,
Lashkar-i-Jhangvi, was also among the alphabet soup of
militant groups that were spawned by the Afghan
war.One of the most vicious of these groups called
itself Sipah-e-Sahaba and used religious
justifications for jihad from an austere sect of Islam
called Deobandi, similar to the ideology of the
Taliban. Sipah-e-Sahaba and similar groups believe
that one obligation of "true Muslims" is to kill
so-called apostates like Shi'ites. In the early 1990s,
these veterans from the Afghan wars, with no more war
to fight, launched a bloody sectarian campaign against
Pakistani Shi'ites. In 1996, amid these attacks,
Lashkar-i-Jhangvi was formed by a disgruntled member
of Sipah-e-Sahaba who named his group after the
martyred founder of Sipah-e-Sahaba, Haq Nawaz Jhangvi.
(Lashkar is an Urdu word meaning Army, hence "The Army
of Jhangvi.") In January 1998, four Lashkar-i-Jhangvi
gunmen fired AK-47 machine guns on a Shi'ite wake in
Mominpura cemetery near Lahore, killing 24 mourners.

The group has close ties to al-Qaeda. The leadership
of Lashkar-i-Jhangvi fought alongside many
high-ranking al-Qaeda and Taliban operatives against
the Northern Alliance in Afghanistan before Sept. 11,
2001. U.S. intelligence agencies believe many in its
ranks trained in al-Qaeda-run camps in Afghanistan
during the late 1990s. When al-Qaeda retreated from
Afghanistan in 2002, many of its fighters are believed
to have joined forces with Lashkar-i-Jhangvi and
Lashkar-i-Tayyba, according to the State Department,
which lists both groups as foreign terrorist
organizations. Since then, the groups have targeted
pro-Western entities of Pakistani society. In March
2002, Lashkar-i-Jhangvi retaliated against the U.S.
invasion of Afghanistan and the resulting fall of the
Taliban by launching a grenade attack on the
International Protestant Church in Islamabad that
killed 5 and injured dozens. In May, a car bombing
outside a Karachi hotel killed 14, including 11 French
defense technicians. Lashkar-i-Jhangvi is believed to
have been behind it.

"It is probable there are links between
Lashkar-i-Jhangvi and al-Qaeda," says Grare, "but it
is certain they do have links to the government." He
adds, "If the government itself says Lashkar-i-Jhangvi
is involved, it is suicidal because it opens the door
to speculation about their own role." Indeed, while
Pakistani authorities have had a hand in encouraging
groups like Lashkar-i-Jhangvi and Lashkar-i-Tayyba,
Islamabad has done little to systematically dismantle
these jihadist "armies" now that their original
purposes — fighting the Soviets and supporting the
Taliban in Afghanistan or fighting the Indians in
Kashmir — are over. "They have nothing else to do,"
says Cohen, "and they are causing mischief." He adds:
"It's like a cancer you've started elsewhere that
comes back to eat you up."

http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1698949,00.html

Copyright � 2007 Time Inc. All rights reserved.
Reproduction in whole or in part without permission is prohibited.

---------------
Jusfiq Hadjar gelar Sutan Maradjo Lelo

Allah yang disembah orang Islam tipikal dan yang digambarkan oleh al-Mushaf itu 
dungu, buas, kejam, keji, ganas, zalim lagi biadab hanyalah Allah fiktif.


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