http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\10\26\story_26-10-2010_pg3_2

VIEW: Radicalisation of educated Pakistani youth -Ishtiaq Ahmed

 A purely religious radicalisation may mean nothing more than the believers of 
a religion beginning to observe their religious duties strictly in accordance 
with some core ideas. However, if radicalisation entails politicisation of a 
religion, it becomes part of a power contest and evolves as an ideology



For researchers interested in keeping track of the trends and patterns 
pertaining to radicalisation, Talibanisation and the concomitant problems of 
violence and terrorism in Pakistan, the reports published by the Pak Institute 
for Peace Studies (PIPS), Islamabad, are invaluable source material. The 
September 2010 issue of its quarterly journal, Conflict and Peace Studies, 
includes among other items a sophisticated survey of the perceptions of 
educated youth towards radicalisation.

Pakistan had 113 mainstream universities and 1,371 degree colleges in the 
country in 2007, where 424,271 and 324,988 students were enrolled, 
respectively. The research design based on an extensive field study uses a 
questionnaire to elicit the views of educated youth from both rural and urban 
backgrounds on radicalisation. The investigation is limited to students of 
postgraduate colleges and universities. Using sophisticated sampling 
techniques, the views of students from 16 public and private universities and 
postgraduate public colleges across the country were solicited.

The findings are most interesting and illuminating. The respondents 
overwhelmingly considered religion an important factor in their life (92.4 
percent), though 51.7 percent said that they do not offer prayers regularly. 
More than half (55.8 percent) insisted that religious values were critical to 
Pakistan's progress. While 51.3 percent endorsed the country's hybrid legal 
system in which shariah is one, but not the only, source of law, 28.2 percent 
were of the view that religion should be the only source of law in Pakistan. 
Some of the findings are confusing. For example, while a significant majority 
of the respondents from Punjab (76.5 percent) believed that religious values 
were critical for the country's progress, a much smaller number of respondents 
from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (36 percent) and FATA (53.8 percent) agreed with them. 
Nonetheless, the view of 50 percent of the respondents from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa 
and 61.5 percent from FATA was that shariah must be the only source of law in 
the country.

With regard to whether religio-political parties should get a chance to rule 
the country, the respondents were divided equally: 42.6 percent endorsed the 
idea and 42 percent opposed it. A positive indication noted in the survey was 
that 77.8 percent of male respondents acknowledged that women had the same 
rights as men, while 95.9 percent stated that women should receive an education 
and 75.7 percent that they should have the opportunity to work. But most of the 
respondents (65.5 percent) also thought that women should veil outside their 
homes: males 71.3 percent and females 57.1 percent.

A majority (79.4 percent) of the respondents thought that the Pakistani Taliban 
did not serve the cause of Islam. Most of the respondents (85.6 percent) 
believed that suicide bombings were prohibited in Islam. The majority of the 
respondents (61.7 percent) supported military operations in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa 
and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA).

The survey does not offer a definition of radicalisation, taking for granted 
that its meaning is self-evident. That is somewhat unsatisfactory. The 
dictionary meaning of radical is simply "going back to the roots". 
Radicalisation is, therefore, a process through which the movement towards the 
pristine takes place. A purely religious radicalisation may mean nothing more 
than the believers of a religion beginning to observe their religious duties 
strictly in accordance with some core ideas. However, if radicalisation entails 
politicisation of a religion, it becomes part of a power contest and evolves as 
an ideology. In such circumstances, it forfeits its claims to being purely a 
spiritual transformation concerned with metaphysical objectives. It becomes an 
ideology concerned with the distribution of scarce resources, power and status 
on earth and may even make tall claims to rewards in the hereafter. Such 
radicalisation calls for a rational critique of its consequences and outcomes. 

The fact that 92.4 percent opined that religion was an important factor in 
their life is an interesting finding. Such personal radicalisation is 
unproblematic as long as it serves as a moral and ethical radar to make sense 
of life's meaning and purpose. For liberals and democrats there should be no 
problem is respecting such radicalisation. However, as soon as radicalisation 
impinges on the rights of individuals and carries implications for the legal 
and political system, there is need to be more critical.

Perceptions are a product largely of a priori socialisation and indoctrination. 
There is no doubt that the phantom of General Ziaul Haq's so-called 
Islamisation continues to haunt the lives of educated youth at the highest 
educational centres of Pakistan. Such Islamisation was contradictory and 
schizophrenic, and so are some of the views of Pakistan's highly educated 
youth. That a majority believes that parallel systems of law should apply in 
Pakistan is an example of this. There is considerable scholarly material 
showing that legal systems are underpinned by distinct philosophical and moral 
and ethical values and to apply different systems is to apply conflicting moral 
and ethical values. 

What is perhaps controversial is the PIPS report describing the findings on 
women as "a positive indication"! When we were at the university, students who 
believed that women should have equal rights were also convinced that they 
should work alongside men. To imagine someone veiled from head to foot working, 
sounded patently incongruent. That is not the case with the report under 
discussion. A majority of not only male students but even female students 
favour veiling. The report does not mention if it means that men and women 
should also work in segregated milieus, but I suppose that is implicit in any 
notion of veiled working women.

It is heartening to note that nearly 80 percent of respondents were opposed to 
the Taliban, and an even greater majority considered suicide bombing prohibited 
in Islam. Processes of higher education generally do produce enough good sense 
and awareness not to succumb to extremist ideas, but exceptions are always 
there. On the whole, higher education means that the chances of having a good 
life and a good income improve and thus also the value of life. 

Individuals such as Aafia Siddiqui and Faisal Shahzad are an exception to the 
rule. Faisal Shahzad may believe he knows what awaits him when he enters 
paradise, but the benefits due to women in that abode of boundless plenty 
remain unclear. I have discussed this with many ulema, but never got a 
satisfactory answer. Perhaps someone can elaborate it for us in a Daily Times 
op-ed.

The writer is a Professor Emeritus of Political Science, Stockholm University. 
He is also Honorary Senior Fellow of the Institute of South Asian Studies, 
National University of Singapore. He can be reached at [email protected]




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