http://www.smh.com.au/world/christian-lambs-left-to-slaughter-20110107-19itz.html

Christian lambs left to slaughter 
Paul McGeough ANALYSIS 
January 8, 2011 
 
Worshippers in Alexandria shout around the exploded car in Alexandria. Photo: AP


Is Salman Taseer in his grave because some Christian-owned goats strayed into 
Muslim fields in the Punjab region of Pakistan? Did close to 100 churchgoers in 
Iraq and Egypt die because two abused Coptic Christian wives opted to convert 
to Islam in an attempt to sidestep their creed's ban on divorce?

These seemingly absurd sparks ignited two of the higher-octane bonfires in a 
new wave in the persecution of minority Christians across the Islamic world in 
recent days.

 
An Egyptian Muslim in the Shobra district of Cairo protests on New Year's Day 
against a bomb attack on a Coptic church in Alexandria. Photo: Reuters

But look closely and it emerges that what is claimed to have been done in the 
name of Allah is more often about raw political power and social control, 
either exercised by autocratic regimes or sought by extremist and 
fundamentalist breakouts - like Osama Bin Laden's al-Qaeda and its imitators.

Taseer, the provincial governor in Punjab, was gunned down on Tuesday, 
allegedly by one of his own security detail, because of his outspoken defence 
of Asia Bibi, a 45-year-old mother of five who was charged under Pakistan's 
draconian blasphemy laws because of the terms in which she is alleged to have 
spoken about the prophet Muhammad amidst argument with her Muslim neighbours 
over her wandering goats.

Last October, 58 Christian Chaldeans died and 67 were injured when Our Lady of 
Salvation church was besieged in Baghdad. On New Year's Day, 23 Coptic 
Christians died and 79 were injured when Al-Qiddissin Church in the Egyptian 
port city of Alexandria was bombed.

The travails of Wafaa Constantine, 53, and Camilla Shehata, 25, were the 
pretext for these two attacks.

Both married to Coptic Christian priests in remote rural areas, the women are 
said to have been arrested by Egyptian police and handed over to Coptic 
authorities as they set about converting to Islam, so that they might use its 
acceptance of divorce to rid themselves of their abusive and bad-tempered 
husbands.

Coptic mouthpieces accused Muslims of abducting the women. Muslims countered 
with claims that the two women - both of whom disappeared from the public eye - 
were being held against their will by the Coptic church.

Citing this seemingly distant dispute in Egypt, the gunmen went to work in 
Baghdad . just as others threatened to respond to the threat last year by a 
Christian pastor in Florida to mark the anniversary of the September 11 attacks 
on the US by burning the Koran.


The regime of the Egyptian President, Hosni Mubarak, has done a consistent line 
in contempt for Washington's pro-forma calls for reform - and calls by Coptic 
churches in the US for America's multibillion-dollar annual aid cheque to Cairo 
to be conditional on better rights and protection for Coptic Christians have 
fallen on deaf ears.

It is the same in Pakistan - despite pouring in billions of aid dollars, 
Washington has been able to extract little by way of satisfaction of its 
insistent security demands, much less its polite calls for social and judicial 
reform.

Pakistan's blasphemy law was put on the statute books in the 1980s by a regime 
that opted for Islam as a binding national force - and it soon became a tool 
for settling vendettas and prosecuting minorities.

Explaining the country's economic, political and social crises in the absence 
of sure-footed national leadership and at a time of bold extremism, the analyst 
Ahmed Rashid in Lahore offered this explanation: "We have a very, very severe 
polarisation in the country - we have a small minority of extremists and a 
small number of liberals speaking out, but the very large silent majority are 
people who are not extremists in any way, but are not speaking out''.

In such parlous times it is hardly surprising that Taseer's murder might be an 
effective brake on others who would have contemplated joining his reform 
campaign. And no one was shocked when even his most loyal followers spoke only 
in vague generalities as they condemned his killing.

That Christians are an easy target is best explained by the circumstances of 
post-Saddam Hussein Iraq.

In the first years of the new order, the violence was Muslim on Muslim - Sunni 
v Shiite. But facing a public backlash for the bloody awfulness they were 
creating and exposing themselves to well-armed counterattacks, the insurgents 
and terrorists turned their sights on the minority Christians who were without 
militias or the political clout to call in defenders.

Joost Hiltermann of the International Crisis Group says Christians sometimes 
become targets not strictly because of their religion so much as a perception 
that they are surrogates for the Western countries deemed by extremist groups 
to be enemies.

Yet, more than 50 dead Christians in the sanctuary of a Baghdad church is a 
powerful signal to the world that the new Iraqi government was not in control 
of its turf. That signal becomes even more powerful because of claims in the 
Arab and Christian media that US military forces have abandoned the Christians 
of Iraq to their very uncertain fate.

In the Lebanese newspaper The Daily Star, the commentator May Akl wrote: "After 
surviving millennia of religious and cultural persecution in its own cradle, 
Christianity in the Middle East could face demise at the hands of the Christian 
West. In fact, political alliances sought by Western states and, most 
importantly, by the US leverage existential threats against the remaining 
Christian minorities in the Middle East. Rescue is not high on the agenda."

The church massacre in Baghdad in October was the standout in a series of 
attacks that include the beheading and mutilation of a priest in 2006 - despite 
the payment of a ransom; the abduction of an archbishop in 2008; and the laying 
of a daisy chain of bombs outside nine churches and more recently at the homes 
of 14 Christian families.

By some estimates more than half of Iraq's 1 million-plus Christians have fled 
since the fall of Saddam - if not into exile in Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, then 
to the relative safety of the Kurdish north of Iraq.

In an observation that must have provoked discomfort in Washington, Father Rony 
Hanna of the Iraqi Chaldean Archdiocese harked back to the Saddam years: 
"Security forces were sent to our religious celebrations to provide us with 
protection and they did. This is what we miss most now - being protected."

But the Christian decline is not confined to Iraq.

A century ago, they accounted for 20 per cent of the population in the Middle 
East - today the Vatican estimates that proportion to be 5 per cent and falling 
in a region in which most regimes impose limits and restrictions on Christian 
rituals.

Iran has recently been rounding up Christian missionaries and deadly 
Christian-Muslim violence has erupted again in Nigeria.

"If this phenomenon continues, Christianity in the Middle East will disappear," 
the Reverend Khalil Samir, an Egyptian Jesuit in Beirut, told reporters on the 
eve of a Vatican conference that discussed the crisis last year. "This is not 
an unreal hypothesis - Turkey went from 20 per cent Christian in the early 20th 
century to 0.2 per cent now. [And the flight from Iraq] could bleed the Church 
in Iraq dry."

In the early 1950s, 20 per cent of Egyptians were Christian - today, at just 10 
per cent of the population, they are the region's biggest Christian community 
but they hold just three of the 508 seats in the parliament.

There was advance warning of the attack on the Alexandria church on an Islamic 
website, which Cairo initially blamed on al-Qaeda but which some Egyptian 
political analysts speculated might be the work of locals frustrated by an 
absence of substantive reform in Mubarak's 30-year reign.

What emerges from the experience of the latest hot spots is that what is 
perceived to be a solution often creates a greater problem - that is, trying to 
deal with the crisis as a security challenge that can be dealt with in the 
short term.

A bare-knuckled crackdown on those who thrive amid the collapse of their social 
and political institutions, as in Pakistan, or the marginalisation and 
oppression of voices for reform, as in Egypt, tends to gloss over the reality 
that the root cause of the problem is elsewhere.

Papers prepared for last year's Vatican conference were telling in their 
avoidance of the George Bush ''they hate our liberty'' credo. Instead they 
urged wide-ranging social reform to bring about democratic secular states, 
co-operation between churches and a break on the expansion of political Islam.

Urging a thorough examination of the concept of laicity - or secularism - to 
help "eliminate the theocratic character of government and allow for greater 
equality among citizens of different religions", the documents blamed the 
Christian exodus on political tension in the region - particularly the 
Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the ''menacing social situation in Iraq''.


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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