The Palestine Papers
"We can't refer to the past"
Israel refuses to take responsibility for creating the Palestinian refugee 
crisis.
Laila Al-Arian Last Modified: 24 Jan 2011 19:41 GMT

Nearly six million Palestinian refugees live in countries around the world [EPA]

It's a core issue of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict that dates back to 
Israel's creation: the forced expulsion in 1948 of hundreds of thousands of 
Palestinians from their homes by Israeli soldiers and Jewish paramilitary 
groups. But The Palestine Papers show that far from resolving this thorny 
problem, Israeli negotiators refused to even acknowledge their responsibility 
in creating the world's largest refugee population.

Some of the most contentious meetings between Israeli and Palestinian 
negotiators involved the "refugee file". On several occasions, Israeli 
officials insisted that negotiators should move forward and forget "the past", 
even as hundreds of thousands of Palestinians continue to languish in refugee 
camps under abysmal conditions. As talks on refugees progressed during the 
Annapolis process, Israeli negotiators were aided by the US and French 
officials, who took their side on the issue of responsibility.

On March 24, 2008, Tzipi Livni, the then-Israeli foreign minister, said Israel 
alone should not bear the cost of financial compensation for Palestinian 
refugees in any final peace agreement. "Compensating refugees is an 
international matter," she told Palestinian negotiators, "and that is why 
reference to responsibility would be wrong. [The reason for this is] because it 
was a problem for all Arab states, then it became a Palestinian Israeli 
conflict, with the Arabs on the sidelines asking for a resolution".

Livni went on to say that Israelis, too, should be compensated.

    Livni: "What about the people who suffered from terror attacks, are you 
going to apologise?"

    Saeb Erekat [PA chief negotiator]: "We do. We condemn each one."

    Livni: "People suffer during war. People suffer with their lives. They die. 
We can relate both of us to the suffering."

By August 31, 2008, these converging ideas on "suffering" were included in an 
offer conveyed by Ehud Olmert, the then-Israeli prime minister, to Mahmoud 
Abbas, the Palestinian president. It was delivered orally and without a 
traceable paper; and it was appallingly vague, diluting even the most basic 
refugee rights. The Palestinian Authority (PA) later summarised the offer in an 
internal confidential memo:

    Refugees

        * Israel would acknowledge the suffering of – but not responsibility 
for – Palestinian refugees (language is in the preamble). In parallel, there 
must also be a mention of Israeli (or Jewish) suffering.
        * Israel would take in 1,000 refugees per year for a period of 5 years 
on "humanitarian" grounds. In addition, programmes of "family reunification" 
would continue.
        * Israel would contribute to the compensation of the refugees through 
the mechanism and based on suffering.
        * Not clear what the heads of damage for compensation would be, just 
that there would be no acknowledgement of responsibility for the refugees, and 
that compensation, and not restitution or return (apart from the 5,000), would 
be the only remedy.

Two weeks later, on September 14, 2008, lawyers from the Negotiation Support 
Unit of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) supplied Abbas with 
detailed questions for Olmert, which subsequently went unanswered:

        * What does it mean to acknowledge the suffering of refugees, without 
reference to responsibility? How is that different from acknowledging the 
suffering of people as a result of, say, a natural disaster? How do you propose 
to deal with the issue of responsibility?
        * If you recognise suffering, why do you refuse to deal with 
compensation for non-material damages?
        * Why is the suffering of Israelis relevant to the refugee issue?

As Livni attempted to minimise the scope of Palestinian suffering caused by 
Israel's creation and colonisation of Palestinian land, she also suggested that 
Palestinians close the book on their grievances once and for all, telling PLO 
negotiator Ahmed Qurei: "I feel like we can't refer to the past". To which 
Qurei replied: "I do not want to go back to the past to become its slave but to 
pave the way for the future."
Related

"I never said the Diaspora will vote"

The Palestinian Authority proposed that only a handful of the nearly 6 million 
Palestinian refugees be allowed to return.

Amira Howeidy: PA relinquished right of return

Palestinian negotiators are engaged in talks that they know have ceded almost 
every Palestinian right.

Ali Abunimah: Jordan, PLO clash on refugee issue

The PLO appears to be vigorously defending its right to solely decide on the 
refugee issue with Israel.

Three months earlier, on June 21, 2008, Livni had once again tried to deflect 
blame and to draw moral equivalence between Israelis and Palestinians. "Instead 
of responsibility we can talk of suffering of both our people," she said. "By 
the way on responsibility – whose responsibility is it for keeping them in the 
camps? The Arab world! Responsibility is not just about the war, but what 
happened after. For creating false hope. [We need to address also] the Jewish 
refugees. Maybe as part of the international fund."

Erekat's reply: "But we never caused anything to the Jews. This will not be in 
an agreement."

In a US-Palestinian bilateral meeting on July 16 of that year, Condoleezza 
Rice, the then-US secretary of state, echoed Livni's sentiment, telling 
Palestinians that the responsibility is not Israel's alone, and that, anyway, 
they need to move on.

    Condoleezza Rice: "If you want to talk about responsibility it is the 
responsibility of the international community, not Israel. They created Israel."

    [Zeinah Salahi (of the PLO's Negotiation Support Unit) argues that Israeli 
actions post-statehood are clearly their responsibility. This is dismissed by 
Rice.]

    Rice: Responsibility is a loaded term. [Notes the example of reparations 
for slavery in the US.] I've always objected to it. It's not forward looking. 
Would I personally be better off? I don't know. But I do support affirmative 
action. […] Bad things happen to people all around the world all the time. You 
need to look forward.

Sensing that the US involvement in the refugee argument was not productive and 
its stance far from objective, on August 14, Erekat said American mediators 
should be excluded from this particular discussion:

    Erekat: Recognition of responsibility is a bilateral issue. I don't want 
the Americans to be involved in this.

    Tal Becker [senior adviser to Livni]: Our respective narratives cannot be 
reconciled. You think you are the victims. We think we are the victims.

But French officials held a similar view to the Americans. According to an 
email by PLO legal adviser Ziyad Clot summarising a meeting with a French 
delegation, then-foreign minister Bernard Kouchner said "since Israel was 
created under the auspices of the UN, the International Community must pay". A 
Palestinian representative then suggested "the Brits have a major 
responsibility in the creation of the issue", a statement that apparently went 
over well with the visitors. "The French loved it," the email states.

Bernard Koucher also asked about "the status of the discussion between Israeli 
and Palestinian leaderships on that issue, his view being that it is the most 
difficult problem".

Indeed, many people would agree with that assessment. But without an 
acknowledgment or apology from Israel on the refugee crisis, it's an issue 
that's unlikely to be resolved anytime soon.



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