http://www.aawsat.com/english/news.asp?section=2&id=24110


We heard.But did we get the message?

10/02/2011 
By Osman Mirghani

When events intensified on the Tunisian streets, former Tunisian President Zine 
el Abidine Ben Ali came out and addressed the people, expressed his "grief" for 
the casualties, and voiced his "sincere and profound apologies". Subsequently, 
he uttered his famous words: "I understand.I get your message", before boarding 
his plane and leaving the country. 
Those last words have echoed in our ears, particularly after the popular 
uprising in Tunisia shook the Arab World, whereby calls for change formed a 
huge surge with the youth demonstrations in Egypt. Nearly a month has passed 
since Ben Ali delivered his last address to the nation, and over two weeks have 
gone by since the outbreak of the Egyptian popular uprising, but a question 
remains, worrying a lot of people: "Have we got the message yet?"

In Tunisia, as with Egypt, people are currently manoeuvring, trying to abort 
the youth uprising, or hijack it and reap its rewards, or even derail and 
direct it towards a different course than originally planned. Some of these 
moves suggest efforts to circumvent matters and buy time, with the aim of 
diluting calls for change and offering the least concessions possible. Such 
provisions are far less than what is required to bring about genuine changes, 
to meet the demands of those who were driven by desperation to burn themselves 
in public squares. Real changes are required to respond to the aspirations of 
the youth, who took to the streets in defiance of suppression and organized 
violence.

In Tunisia, the wheels of change are moving slowly, as elements of Ben Ali's 
regime try to hold on to the strings of power, and control the pace of the 
transitional period. Consequently, demonstrations and violent clashes flared up 
again in a number of Tunisian cities over the past few days. This time, the 
government moved to cease all activities of the former governing Constitutional 
Democratic Rally (CDR), and closed its headquarters, in order "to safeguard the 
best interests of the nation and avoid any violation of the law." The 
government's move came after several sources had revealed that pro-CDR groups, 
prompted by elements within the party, were carrying out acts of violence and 
sabotage to create a state of chaos, thus allowing the party to regain the 
reins, and abort the calls for change.

In Egypt, certain movements and faces have appeared on the scene, to seize upon 
the youth's uprising and steer it towards a different direction. Some groups 
are fighting for a place in the limelight while others are designating roles 
amongst themselves, either to make personal gains or diminish calls for change. 
Each is working according to its own agenda, and ulterior motives. Some regime 
supporters reject change for fear of losing the authority and gains they have 
accumulated. Others call for moderate changes that would meet some of the 
youth's demands, whilst maintain the existing regime in one way or another.

Manoeuvres are also evident among the ranks of opposition parties and powers - 
although in reality some could hardly be described as anti-government. They are 
seeking to control the reins of the youth's uprising and reap its rewards, even 
if that means excluding the youth from the current national dialogue, and 
keeping them on the streets as a pressure card. It is difficult to understand 
the contradiction in the opposition's stance, and the inconsistency of its 
statements. It is also difficult to explain the overnight switch in the 
discourse of some of those who were, until very recently, staunch supporters of 
the regime.

Amazingly, amidst this vague and confusing political arena, some are claiming 
to be representatives of the Tahrir Square youth. Then we hear from those 
camping in the Square, who say they have no idea who the government is engaging 
in dialogue with. Are there now attempts to fragmentize and disperse this youth 
movement, after several failed attempts to drive them out of Tahrir Square, 
whether by hiring thugs to storm the protests, or by sniper fire? Is the regime 
so adamant on plugging its ears, ignoring the voices in the street and their 
call for change? Will these tactics maintain Egypt's stability and restore its 
strength?

The movements of opposition parties are bound to raise many questions, now that 
it has become clear they are manoeuvring for political gains. There is a race 
amongst them to arrive at the negotiating table, despite a lack of any clear 
position, and the deliberate exclusion of some voices and faces. Because of 
these manoeuvres, the political powers supposedly representing the opposition 
have failed to form a unified negotiating front, which speaks in one voice and 
adopts the youth's demands. Forming such a front is the best way to reach clear 
and quick solutions, guarantee a smooth and peaceful transition, and take a 
real step towards meeting the demands for change.

Everyone, including the Egyptian government, recognises there is a crisis of 
confidence between the protestors and the regime. There is also a strong 
feeling of discontent among the protestors, regarding attempts being made to 
hijack or abort their uprising. Such a situation is not conducive towards 
successful dialogue, and could complicate matters further, preventing 
meaningful solutions under a tight deadline.

Under these conditions, efforts to amend the constitution, arrange for a 
transitional period, prepare for presidential elections guaranteeing a peaceful 
transfer of power, and further approaches toward democracy, would undoubtedly 
fail. The aspirations of Khalid Said and Wael Ghoneim's generation, who 
sacrificed and endangered their lives to effect change, and who awakened 
everyone from their deep slumber with a mass uprising, must be fulfilled.

There are people in the Arab World, and abroad, who fear the success of the 
popular uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, and particularly so in Egypt. They are 
afraid that the repercussions of such events could spread, and change the 
political scene in the region. However, there is another possibility that we 
must not overlook. Aborting the call for change in Tunisia or Egypt won't 
necessarily mean that stability and security are restored. In fact, matters 
will most probably take a turn for the worse, particularly as the fear barrier 
has now been broken, and repression tactics have been foiled, even if they 
enjoyed relative success for a while


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