Middle East after Hosni Mubarak: impact of a revolution

By Roger Hardy Middle East analyst, Woodrow Wilson Center

Egyptians set off fireworks in Tahrir Square, in Cairo, Egypt, 11 February 2011 
Egyptian protesters celebrated the news of President Mubarak's resignation with 
fireworks, dancing, drumming and text messaging

How wrong we were.

When the unrest began in Tunisia, most experts (myself included) said the 
country's long-time strongman, President Ben Ali, would crush it and survive.

When he abruptly fled the country and unrest spread to Egypt, most experts 
(myself included) said Egypt was not Tunisia and that the country's long-time 
strongman, Hosni Mubarak, would crush it and survive.

The last few weeks have turned every expectation on its head and led even the 
most seasoned observers to wonder where the region is heading.

So here are some thoughts, from a chastened observer, about the likely fall-out.

First, President Mubarak's resignation and his departure from Cairo do not mean 
that the Egyptian crisis is moving towards an early resolution.

On the contrary, Mr Mubarak has simply dumped his dilemmas into the lap of the 
military top brass.

Whether they can do a better job of dealing with them than he did - and whether 
the military can even retain its own cohesion - are far from certain.
Egyptian protesters celebrate with soldiers on top of a tank in Tahrir Square, 
Cairo, 11 February 2011 The success of 'people power' in Egypt has significance 
for the wider region
People power

Second, the success of 'people power' in Egypt is far more significant for 
Arabs everywhere than its success in Tunisia.

Egypt is the biggest and most powerful Arab state. Mr Mubarak had ruled it for 
three decades.

The Egyptian example has already electrified public opinion throughout a region 
where a similar set of ills - autocracy, corruption, unemployment, the dignity 
deficit - prevail.

Autocrats whose security services are smaller and weaker than Egypt's are more 
vulnerable to the chill wind of popular anger.

Those with the money to buy off dissent are already trying to do so. Poorer 
states, such as Jordan and Yemen, will have to borrow in order to do so.

Third, the impact of the crisis on regional economies - in such obvious areas 
as oil prices, tourism, the ability to attract foreign investment - has already 
been severe.

Fourth, the fall of Mubarak will affect a host of regional issues - the 
Arab-Israeli peace process, the growing influence of Iran, the battle against 
Muslim extremism - in ways that are hard, if not impossible, to predict.

Fears of Islamic revolutions everywhere are misplaced. Most of the current 
dissent seems driven by nationalist rather than religious sentiment.

In Egypt and elsewhere, the Islamists are jumping on a bandwagon others have 
set in motion.
File picture dated 1 September 2010 shows US President Barack Obama (R) 
speaking with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in the Oval Office in Washington 
There has been criticism of the US response to Egypt's crisis

At the same time, fears that the crisis tilts the regional balance of power in 
favour of Iran are, for similar reasons, premature. Iran is watching these 
tumultuous events, not driving them.
Lessons for the West

Finally, Western governments are left with policy dilemmas for which there are, 
in the short run, no solutions.

The Obama administration's handling of the Egypt crisis has been inept. The 
European Union has scarcely fared much better.

But even if their response had been sure-footed, the underlying conundrum would 
have been the same.

The West has, for decades, made stability a higher priority than democracy and 
human rights.

Some urgent re-thinking is now under way, as policymakers scramble to learn the 
right lessons.

The other painful lesson for Western powers is how little influence they have, 
even in countries to which they give generous aid.

Money does not buy you love. Nor, when the chips are down, does it enable you 
to save a close ally from the wrath of the people.

Roger Hardy is a public policy scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Center, Washington 
DC.



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