Mubarak and decaf coffee
Until now Western foreign policy in the Middle East has gotten the substance 
without the true cost.
Abbas Barzegar Last Modified: 26 Feb 2011 10:08 GMT
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Is the era of Western 'decaf coffee foreign policy' over? [GALLO/GETTY]

The renegade philosopher and cultural critic Slavoj Zizek once noted the 
absurdity of certain items in our modern consumer culture: The chocolate 
laxative, non-alcoholic beer and decaf coffee. What these products have in 
common is that each one offers you a much desired substance without its 
negative side effects. It is a way of enjoying, consuming something but 
avoiding the potential harm it might cause. The same tendency, according to 
Zizek, can be found in our politics.

What does this have to do with cascading revolts across the Middle East? Well, 
Western foreign policy in the region is pretty much like decaf coffee - until 
now we have gotten the substance without the true cost.

In the era of colonialism we wanted access to the trade routes and natural 
resources of the Middle East but did not want to have to deal with those nasty 
Ottomans, so we sent Lawrence of Arabia. Later we wanted oil, but not the 
Bedouins atop it, so we literally created an elite class of capitalist buddies 
to have lunch with. During the Cold War we wanted strategic allies in the 
Middle East, but preferred the Shah and Hosni Mubarak to the likes of Mohammed 
Mossadeq and Gamal Abdel Nasser.

And just last year, as human rights organisations were condemning Bahraini 
state (read Sunni) persecution of opposition political figures (read Shia), the 
US announced a $580mn expansion of its naval base there. After some bullets and 
a cancelled Formula One season opener, the world has learned a little more 
about Bahrain's overwhelming majority Shia population ruled by a Sunni 
minority, policed by Sunni expats from Pakistan and bankrolled by Western 
patronage.

And Libya, that not-long-ago pariah oil exporter? Well what we did to land a 
lucrative BP oil deal and grease some extra arms sales is particularly 
nauseating now as Muammar Gaddafi declares war on his own citizens using the 
weapons we sold him.

Countless missed opportunities to learn from our mistakes may be leading to a 
final and lasting lesson - a Middle East without the US, the UK or Europe.  

What the revolts tell us is not simply that Arabs, like other humans, demand 
accountability and transparency in their governing institutions, but that they 
refuse to remain humiliated; that they demand true independence, an 
independence where national aspiration aligns with government action and not 
Western political prerogatives. This change comes to the Arab world whose 
neighbours have already learned how to operate outside of the US' sphere of 
influence.

For example, in addition to Turkey emerging as the unlikely power broker in the 
region, it has increased its strategic ties with Iran in spite of Western 
efforts to isolate the Islamic Republic. Earlier this month it was announced 
that it would aim to triple bilateral trade with Iran to $30bn in the next five 
years. Now Egyptians of all stripes are looking to the Turkish model for 
inspiration.

In Lebanon, Hezbollah has managed to gain full control of the fragile political 
system and thereby directly benefit from the hundreds of millions in US 
military aid to the country since 2006. (FYI: Hezbollah's strategic use of 
democratic procedure is likely to be the model for the Muslim Brotherhood, not 
the quietism of Ankara's Islamists.) Of course, the fiasco in Iraq where Tehran 
plays the sole kingmaker hardly needs to be mentioned.

Crumbling pillars of dominance

As Daniel Korski and Ben Judah have rightly pointed out, the West's three 
pillars of dominance in the Middle East - military presence, commercial ties 
and client states - are crumbling in the sand.

This does not mean, however, the absolute end of American and European 
influence in the region. The US' economy remains three times the size of 
China's, so the feared "look East" policy of the Arab Gulf monarchies is likely 
an exaggerated concern.

Likewise, although many on the "Arab street" have long admired Tehran's 
defiance, it is unlikely that centuries of mutual antagonism and three decades 
of outright hostility will be undone by a non-ideological shuffling of a few 
Arab governments.

To be sure, whoever emerges as victors in Tunisia, Egypt or elsewhere, whether 
of nationalist or Islamist stripe, the last things they will give up are the 
many perks of engagement with the West.

On its end the West, the US in particular, will need to learn to engage with 
all groups, not just those it can bribe or coax. A few names will likely need 
to be erased from the terrorist roll and the reliability of the oldest friends 
of the West will need to be soberly reassessed.

The changes taking place simply signal that Europe and the US will need to 
learn to adapt to an increasingly complex and multidimensional political field.

That said, while it has become a cliché to talk about the ways in which the 
Middle East will never be the same, it should also be clear that the days of 
American and European decaf coffee foreign policy are over.

Abbas Barzegar is a professor of Islam at Georgia State University and a fellow 
at the Institute of Social Policy and Understanding. His research includes the 
history of Sunni-Shia relations, political Islam and Islam in the US. He is 
co-editor of the book Islamism: Contested Perspectives on Political Islam 
(Stanford, 2009).

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily 
reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.



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