http://www.aawsat.com/english/news.asp?section=2&id=24330

The crisis of the three revolutions

28/02/2011 
By Abdul Rahman Al-Rashid


Tunisian Prime Minister Mohammed Ghannouchi resigned yesterday, saying that he 
could not bear the pressure and difficult circumstances anymore. Only 41 days 
have passed since Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled Tunisia, and the interim Prime 
Minister has failed to carry out his job. He was tasked with administering the 
country's affairs, until genuine, free and fair elections could take place. 
Protestors returned to the streets, resuming confrontations that resulted in 
deaths and injuries. The situation in Egypt also one of concern, as 18 days 
have passed since the overthrow of Mubarak, and again masses have returned to 
Tahrir Square in Cairo, to stage demonstrations and protests. They are 
disputing over what should be done from now until the proposed election date in 
six months. Will the Egyptian revolutionaries be patient enough to wait until 
this date, or will the masses explode once again, in the event of ongoing 
disagreements over numerous issues? 

Libya is currently experiencing the most difficult and bloodiest of all three 
revolutions. For the past two weeks, the country has been in a state of war, 
with thousands of victims. 

It seems that despite their resounding success on the ground, and the speed of 
their victories, protestors are unable to temporarily agree on a rule 
mechanism, or decide upon an interim leadership. It is clear that the common 
denominator between the three revolutions is a desire to overthrow the existing 
regime. Sometimes the price of this is extremely expensive, as in Libya, which 
continues to bleed, but still the revolutionaries are experiencing 
disagreements. They lack a ready alternative to lead the political scene, which 
would enable them to ward off the risks of a political vacuum, and the 
potential disputes over rule. In Libya, the situation is extremely urgent 
because the formation of a leadership system accepted by all opposition forces, 
and the youths on the ground, would enable such parties to settle the war more 
quickly in their favor. The world, specifically the Security Council, has 
finally sided with the Libyan people, and is now ready to back them and settle 
the battle, by means of direct or indirect intervention, albeit once a unified 
alternative leadership is available. 

Arguably the most respected character in the Libyan political scene is Mustafa 
Abdul-Jalil, the resigned Minister of Justice, who supported the protestors and 
the revolution, and took it upon himself to expedite the announcement of an 
interim government, with the consent of the revolutionary forces around him. 
However, the surprise was that his government was rejected by the opposition 
only a few hours after it was declared, having been described as a 
one-dimensional proposal. Consequently, an opportunity to form a cohesive 
entity to deal with the international community was missed. The Libyan 
situation remains hazy and extremely dangerous, something which has prompted 
Saif al-Islam Gaddafi to say: Look.they may have seized control of Benghazi, 
but they are fighting over its management. 

Because Egypt was smoother, more streamlined, and more disciplined in handling 
the overthrow of President Hosni Mubarak, and because it is the largest and 
most influential Arab state, thus something of a role model, whether positively 
or negatively, it was predicted that, by now, the country would have overcome 
its dangerous stage. People believed that the train of transition would now be 
travelling on firm and solid rails, but this is not the case. Last Friday, and 
in the days that followed, Tahrir Square was crowded with angry, protesting 
masses, in what seemed to be a second revolution, thus causing the army to cut 
off electricity in the Square. However, cutting off electricity will not hide 
the problem. Does the problem lie in the unrealistic ambitions of the 
revolutionaries, who seem to be in a hurry? Or is the problem that the Mubarak 
rule has fallen, but his regime continues to dominate the political scene? If, 
by summer, disagreements continue to persist, Egypt will be in real danger, and 
all gains may then be at risk. In order not to forget, we should ask ourselves: 
What are these prospected gains? 

There must be a popular democratic system that does not exclude anyone, and 
ensures stability and continuity for Egypt, as is the case with developed 
countries all over the world. Unfortunately, these are promises which the 
revolutionaries and the regime seem to be unable to focus on, and instead are 
wasting their time disputing details of the past era. Tunisia's case is similar 
to Egypt, where tensions are continuing in a more violent manner. There, the 
situation may end up with a security or military system of rule, similar to 
that of Algeria, and this could last for the next ten years. 


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