> ayub yahya <ayubyahya@...> wrote:
> bisa jadi hezbollah lagi berdoa dan
> berharap ada demokrasi di arab
> btw, apakah islamnya hezbollah sunni
> juga ?

Hezbollah itu Islam aliran Syiah yang berhasil menguasai Libanon menggeser 
kekuasaan Islam sunni.  Mereka berasal dari satu jenis Islam dengan Hamas yang 
juga sama2 syiah yang didukung oleh Iran.














> 
> 
> 
> --- On Tue, 3/1/11, sunny <ambon@...> wrote:
> 
> 
> 
> 
> http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/02/27/AR2011022702871.html?wpisrc=nl_opinions
> 
> 
> 
> In Lebanon, Hezbollah is watching, and waiting out, the Arab uprisings
> 
>   
> 
> By David Ignatius
> 
> Monday, February 28, 2011 
> 
> 
> 
> BEIRUT 
> 
> 
> 
> To visit Hezbollah officials, you turn left off the airport road, just past a 
> billboard that shows Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad coyly waving at 
> motorists. You then enter a neighborhood known as the "southern suburbs," 
> which is the dense street fortress of the Shiite militia. 
> 
> 
> 
> Here lies the headquarters of the group that now forms the strongest bloc in 
> Lebanon's parliament. It's an unusual situation, to put it mildly: The 
> Lebanese government is dominated by an organization that the United States 
> and Israel designate as "terrorist." What's more, Hezbollah's ascendancy has 
> given its patrons in Tehran what amounts to a beachhead on the Mediterranean, 
> whose sparkling waters are just west of the militia's stronghold. 
> 
> 
> 
> Understanding Hezbollah is like watching a play of shadows; its real actions 
> are hidden. The organization likes having power, and its military wing (which 
> it insists is solely a "resistance" force against Israeli troops to the 
> south) is stronger than the Lebanese army. But it doesn't want responsibility 
> for decisionmaking commensurate with its power, as I discovered in 
> conversations with several Hezbollah officials. 
> 
> 
> 
> I met last week with Ammar al-Mousawi, the top Hezbollah "diplomat," and 
> several of his subordinates in the organization's international department. 
> This was an "unofficial" visit, so I can't directly quote Mousawi or his 
> colleagues. But the discussion illustrated the thinking of the toughest 
> player in the world's toughest political league. 
> 
> 
> 
> Hezbollah appears to realize that the revolt sweeping the Middle East has 
> subtly changed the game for them. Officials see the Arab world moving into a 
> more democratic and pluralistic politics with the fall of regimes in Tunisia, 
> Egypt and perhaps Libya. In this new environment, Hezbollah doesn't want to 
> be seen as a sectarian militia or a wrecker, but as a democratic partner 
> (albeit a potent one that has thousands of missiles pointed at Israel). 
> Because Tunisia, Egypt and Libya are Sunni countries, recent events can be 
> seen in part as a Sunni political resurgence, which Hezbollah must respect. 
> 
> 
> 
> The first order of business for Lebanon's Hezbollah-dominated government will 
> be the delicate matter of the United Nations inquiry into the 2005 murder of 
> former prime minister Rafiq al-Hariri. A U.N. special tribunal has been 
> investigating the case, and news reports have predicted that it will release 
> indictments soon that will name members of Hezbollah among those responsible. 
> 
> 
> 
> To gain leverage against the tribunal, Hezbollah in January forced out 
> Hariri's son Saad as prime minister. He will be replaced by Najib Mikati, a 
> former prime minister who is one of Lebanon's most successful businessmen and 
> is close to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. Mikati has said he will support 
> the U.N. Security Council, which presumably includes the tribunal. But 
> Hezbollah seems assured that the practical effect of any indictments will be 
> blunted and that the matter will be left unresolved in characteristic 
> Lebanese fashion. 
> 
> 
> 
> Hezbollah officials seemed surprisingly low-key about the tribunal last week. 
> Officials said there is consensus on the need for justice for Hariri's death 
> but disagreement about the mechanism. This has the effect of kicking the 
> problem down the road to Mikati, and avoiding any direct Hezbollah 
> fingerprints on strangling the tribunal. 
> 
> 
> 
> The tribunal issue illustrates the frustrations of Lebanese politics. There's 
> never an address for assigning responsibility. The buck doesn't stop 
> anywhere. Perhaps Mikati, with his business background, can deal with this 
> accountability problem. 
> 
> 
> 
> So eager is Hezbollah to avoid responsibility for unpopular decisions that 
> officials object to descriptions of the new government as 
> Hezbollah-controlled. And they pointedly decline to endorse the tactics of 
> their coalition partner, retired Lebanese general Michel Aoun, who is 
> challenging President Michel Suleiman for leadership of the country's 
> Christian community. 
> 
> 
> 
> Does Hezbollah see any doors to the West opening in the post-Tahrir Square 
> environment? Is a Middle East "restart" possible that might allow gradual 
> engagement with, say, the United States? I didn't hear much enthusiasm for 
> that idea, but Hezbollah doesn't oppose a continuation of military 
> cooperation between Lebanon and the United States. Indeed, Hezbollah 
> mischievously says that perhaps the Lebanese army should have more U.S. 
> weapons - surely knowing that America would never provide them so long as 
> Hezbollah is the strongest political force in town. 
> 
> 
> 
> Hezbollah is a ruthless political player, but it's a mistake to underestimate 
> the finesse of its tactics. Officials insist that no matter what the West may 
> think, the Shiite militia is logical (meaning self-interested) in pursuing 
> its policies. And the ever-logical Hezbollah seems to realize that even the 
> self-styled "resistance" must make adjustments in this period of Arab 
> upheaval. 
> 
> 
> 
> davidignatius@... 
> 
> 
> 
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