http://www.aawsat.com/english/news.asp?section=2&id=24391


The Big Test for Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood
      
      Osman Mirghani 
      Osman Mirghani is Asharq Al-Awsat's Senior Editor-at-Large. 

05/03/2011 

Ever since revolutions erupted in Tunisia and Egypt, with this storm then 
extending to other countries, questions have continued unabated, regarding the 
Muslim Brotherhood and their role in the forthcoming stage. Analysis has 
fluctuated between warnings of the Muslim Brotherhood's increasing role, and 
possible attempts to hijack the revolution, whilst others have sought to herald 
a new era, in which the organization displays an understanding for the lessons 
of the past, and today advocates the peaceful and democratic exchange of power, 
and the need for an active civil society. The debate surrounding the Muslim 
Brotherhood's participation in politics has been problematical and 
controversial for a long time. Several of the organization's slogans and 
practices have caused many to view it as a movement seeking to topple existing 
regimes, or seize upon them in a bid to achieve their goal of unilateral rule, 
and the establishment of a theocratic state. Hence, even when the Muslim 
Brotherhood speaks of democracy, such rhetoric sounds suspicious, because many 
feel they do not believe in the peaceful exchange of power. 

Of course, some would counter such an argument by saying that Islamist 
movements are actually the victims here - even when they attempted to work 
legitimately they were still deprived from obtaining power by democratic means, 
as was the case with Algeria in the early 1990s. However, such an argument does 
not seem to take into account the fact that several members of the [Algerian] 
Islamic Salvation Front's leadership had issued controversial statements [at 
the time], which brought their belief in democracy into question, hence fueling 
fear and giving reason for the military to invalidate the election results, and 
end the political pluralism experiment. Furthermore, in the months before the 
Algerian election, Islamists in Sudan had seized upon a democratically elected 
government by staging a military coup, and went on to impose a governing model 
dependent upon a tight security grip, and a policy of oppression. These actions 
gained much support from other Islamist groups in the region. On that day, 
Islamists failed the democracy test, affirming the view that they did not 
believe in democracy, or the peaceful exchange of power, and that even if they 
feigned support for democracy as a tactic to obtain power, they would certainly 
not leave this position via democratic means. 

There have been many incidents since that period which have fuelled unrest in 
the region, and triggered confrontations between governments and Islamist 
movements, and they cannot all be recounted here. Yet what is most important is 
that this problematical relationship is coming to the fore once again today; 
from Egypt and Tunisia, to Gaza and Libya. The most significant test will be in 
Egypt, for what happens there in the days to come will have a great impact upon 
the region. Numerous Islamist movements in the region have emerged from the 
Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, which also generated a number of extremist 
movements. Thus today, all eyes are focused on them, to see how they will act 
with regards to the Egyptian revolution, and promises for democracy. If members 
of the Muslim Brotherhood are able to prove they mean what they say - that they 
support a civil state, without marginalizing Copts or women, and aim to 
establish a democracy that entails the peaceful exchange of power - then they 
may become the Arab version of the Turkish model. This would convince many of 
the possibility of dealing with Islamist movements that conform to legitimate 
political activity. Indeed, this may help put an end to the cycle of exclusion, 
and the banning of Islamist movements. It may [also] reduce the emergence of 
armed extremist groups, and combat the current climate which is conducive to 
terrorism. Finally, it would put an end to accusations made by Israeli and 
Western groups that Islam and democracy are incompatible. 

During the revolution in Egypt, many sought to counter it by brandishing the 
Muslim Brotherhood scarecrow, arguing that regime change would present power to 
the Islamist organization on a silver platter. Initially, the Obama 
administration was extremely hesitant in providing support for the Egyptian 
revolution, for reports had always referred to the Muslim Brotherhood as the 
most organized alternative political force, compared to other eroded political 
parties, whose numbers had shrunk significantly, and who were no longer 
influential. Even after Mubarak stepped down, many continued to warn that the 
Muslim Brotherhood may override and hijack the revolution, or that the regime 
would exploit them as a means of circumventing the unrest, by making a deal and 
then later excluding the Brotherhood [when the revolution was over].

Without doubt, the Muslim Brotherhood needs to restore the trust of other 
parties, which regard it with fear and suspicion, believing it to be an 
organization with a conspiring mentality that seeks to exclude its opponents. 
There has been much speculation and analysis that the Muslim Brotherhood, 
having backed Mohammed ElBaradei prior to the revolution, and having exploited 
his movement and his popularity amongst the Egyptian youth, would abandon him 
immediately after the revolution, and exclude him from their negotiations with 
the government. This is because they regard him as a strong potential candidate 
for the presidency, and they fear that his political manifesto may contradict 
theirs in many aspects, or so some believe. It is worth noting that the Muslim 
Brotherhood has indeed begun to surmount other forces which participated in the 
revolution, and this was made clear when Sheikh al-Qaradawi's guards prevented 
youth activist Wael Ghonim from mounting the platform to deliver a speech in 
Tahrir Square, following the "Friday of Victory" prayers. 

Egypt is undergoing an extremely sensitive and significant stage in its 
democratic transition. All decisions made by political parties, including those 
of the Muslim Brotherhood, will shape the new state in Egypt. Will it be a new 
Egypt, or an old one with new faces? Will it be a democratic Egypt, or an Egypt 
where political wrangling returns us to dictatorship or theocracy? A 
considerable challenge is facing the Muslim Brotherhood, but perhaps they will 
realize the historic moment, and the magnitude of the test facing them. They 
will either prove to be a political force that believes in democracy and the 
peaceful exchange of power, or they will fail the test and act with a 
conspiring mentality to exclude other parties, and plan for the day in which 
they can rule the country single-handedly. If this were to happen, it would 
represent substantial evidence that Islamist movements do not believe in the 
peaceful exchange of power, and that they regard democracy as nothing more than 
a vehicle to attain power, after which they would unilaterally establish a 
theocratic or autocratic state. 


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